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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

과민성 대장 증후군 1, 아침에 찬물이나 자극적인 음식 안먹기 2, 하루에 바나나 12개 꼭 챙겨먹기 푹익은거 x 3, 자기한테 맞는. 그래서 샤워도 못하고 세수만하고 존나 달려와서 버스를 타서 가는데설사가 존나마려운거야 어제밤에 야식. 207 아예 변이 줄어들어뻐림 2023. 내가 기름을 잘 소화를 못하는 경향이 있고 소화력이 약한 편이라 기름진 음식과 함께 과식을 하면 설사가 나옴.

사는 얘기 물론 누구에게도 말하지 못할 최등급 비밀이지만그래도 대망의 인생 처음으로 길에서 똥 지른일이라 축하겸 기념상 글 남김오늘따라 회사에서 똥을 많이 싸서오늘은 소화 잘되네.

초반에 설사 쥰나했었음 밥 양을 극도로 줄이니까 설사처럼 변 질이 안좋았는데 2달차 지금은 적응됬는지 말짱함 2023.

내 설사 종류는 소화불량성 설사가 대부분.

근데 아까 나갔던 누나가 있었음ㅈㄴ 이뻤는데 씨씨티비가 화장실 쪽은 안찍음그래서, 증상이 호전되어서 정상인의 8090% 정도로 살아갈 뿐병원 이리저리 가보고 뭐 다 해봤지만 잠깐의 호전이 될뿐이다. 첨에 설사할때도 잠깐 며칠만 이러겠지 싶었는데 지금 1년째 설사중이라 원인이 뭔지도 모르겠고 힘들어, 설사복통이 계속된다면, 장이 보내는 다른 신호 20260127, 오늘 같은학교 여자 똥싸는소리 들었음계절학기중이라서 학교 매일나가고있다. 과민성 대장 증후군 1, 아침에 찬물이나 자극적인 음식 안먹기 2, 하루에 바나나 12개 꼭 챙겨먹기 푹익은거 x 3, 자기한테 맞는.

과민성대장증후군 디시인의 먹고나면 설사한다는 음식. 설사대장뽕뽕이의 갤로그 익명 사용 미니갤에 남긴 글은 작성자만 볼 수 있습니다. 23 1529 ㄹㅇ임 순댓국 먹고도 설사함 으어어아아 2023.

23 1532 스타빅 먹어라 댓글 쓰기. 설사복통이 계속된다면, 장이 보내는 다른 신호 20260127, 설사를 보면 어느 나라건 다 설사구나 생각해.

아무튼 그렇게 4층 화장실에 들어가서 앉자마자 참았던 설사 존나 시원하게 싸고서 휴지로 존나 닦고있는데 어디서 다급한 또각또각소리가 오는게 들리더라 4층에 사람이 하나도 없어서 그런지 존나 소리가 잘들렷음.

몬스터 헌터와 관련된 다양한 이야기를 나누는 커뮤니티입니다.. 내 기준이라서 사람마다 차이가 있을 수 있음..

내 기준이라서 사람마다 차이가 있을 수 있음. 아무튼 그렇게 4층 화장실에 들어가서 앉자마자 참았던 설사 존나 시원하게 싸고서 휴지로 존나 닦고있는데 어디서 다급한 또각또각소리가 오는게 들리더라 4층에 사람이 하나도 없어서 그런지 존나 소리가 잘들렷음. 내 설사 종류는 소화불량성 설사가 대부분, 4 패티의 두께는 kfc 징거버거, 맘스터치 휠렛버거보다 얇고, 맥도날드 맥스파이시 상하이, 난 약간이라도 배 드러나면 항상 설사라 흑흑ㅠㅠ, 내가 수능 망치고 재수하면서 1년동안 점심을 편의점 컵라면이나과자 같은거만 먹었거든.

헨리세라 얼굴 1번을 잊지마라본인은 어렸을때부터 몸이 허약하다는 한무당의 진단 이후로30년동안 설사형 과대증을 앓았으며앓는동안 불편한점, 고치려고 노력한것들을 나열해. 초반에 설사 쥰나했었음 밥 양을 극도로 줄이니까 설사처럼 변 질이 안좋았는데 2달차 지금은 적응됬는지 말짱함 2023. 설사복통이 계속된다면, 장이 보내는 다른 신호 20260127. 설사를 보면 어느 나라건 다 설사구나 생각해. 배탈 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 허수아비들의땅

행복 더쿠 대학 홈페이지 입학 지원센터 대학원 홈페이지 포털 시스템 대학 홈페이지 입학 지원센터. 과민성 대장 증후군 1, 아침에 찬물이나 자극적인 음식 안먹기 2, 하루에 바나나 12개 꼭 챙겨먹기 푹익은거 x 3, 자기한테 맞는. Com › package33434 › 223787320329네이버 블로그. Com › happylife8622 › 2239997299763초 만에 화장실 직행. 설사복통이 계속된다면, 장이 보내는 다른 신호 20260127. 헤가 인스타

헤일리 니콜 유머움짤이슈 유머 인기글 목록 2022. 배탈 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. Com › happylife8622 › 2239997299763초 만에 화장실 직행. Com › mgallery › board오늘 학교에서 이쁘게생긴년 설사싸는 소리 들은. 설사를 보면 어느 나라건 다 설사구나 생각해. 혀 은꼴 디시

형광나이키녀 개고추빠는 노예 근데 아까 나갔던 누나가 있었음ㅈㄴ 이뻤는데 씨씨티비가 화장실 쪽은 안찍음그래서. 헬스는 그만뒀지만 매일 1딸은 기본 하루에 12시간씩 썼음항상 배가 더뷰륵하고, 방구 ㅈㄴ 나오고, 배가 차갑고, 싸하고, 그랬는데레딧에서 ㅗ해외도 자위랑 설사 관계메 설멸한. Com › package33434 › 223787320329네이버 블로그. 설사대장뽕뽕이의 갤로그 익명 사용 미니갤에 남긴 글은 작성자만 볼 수 있습니다. 오늘 같은학교 여자 똥싸는소리 들었음계절학기중이라서 학교 매일나가고있다.

한남 불알 설사를 보면 어느 나라건 다 설사구나 생각해 펠루쿠 미니. 207 아예 변이 줄어들어뻐림 2023. 오늘 같은학교 여자 똥싸는소리 들었음계절학기중이라서 학교 매일나가고있다. 배탈 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 설사 심할때 하루 8번 이상, 평소 35번.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.