Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Afp연합뉴스 서울연합뉴스 배진남 기자 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승에서 판정에 대한 불만으로 선수들을 라커룸으로 철수시켜 경기를 지연시킨 세네갈. Day ago caf아프리카 축구 연맹 징계위원회는 caf 아프리카 네이션스컵 모로코 2025 결승전에서 caf 징계 규정을 위반한 사건에 대해 징계를 가했다. Day ago osen강필주 기자 아프리카 정상에 오르고도 웃지 못하는 기막힌 상황이 연출됐다. 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일이하 한국시간 파페 티아우 세네갈 대표팀 감독에게 5경기 출전 정지와 제재금 10만달러약 1억4천만원의 징계를 내렸다.

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세네갈의 파페 티아우 감독은 주심의 판정이 일관성이 없다며 분노했고 선수단을 라커룸으로 들어갈 것을 지시했다.. Com › view › wnat310e0826643394419be0d6b6아프리카컵 결승서 철수 지시 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전정지+벌금 연.. 라커룸 철수 소동에 철퇴세네갈 감독, 10만 달러 벌금 폭탄.. 한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 라바트ap뉴시스 세네갈 축구 국가대표팀의 파페 티아우 감독..

Hours ago 아프리카축구연맹 caf은 29일 한국시간 티아우 감독에게 5경기 출전 정지와 제재금 10만 달러 약 1억4000만원러의 징계를 내렸다고 발표했다. 세네갈 국가대표팀 감독인 파페 부나 티아우에게 caf 징계 규정의 공정성과 진실성 원칙을 위반하고 경기의 명예를 실추시킨 비신사적인 행위로 인해 caf 공식. 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일이하 한국시간 파페 티아우 세네갈 대표팀 감독에게 5경기 출전 정지와 제재금 10만달러약 1억4천만원의 징계를 내렸다, 아프리카컵 결승서 철수 지시 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전정지. 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일이하 한국시간 파페 티아우 세네갈 대표팀. Hours ago 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전에서 판정에 항의해 선수단 철수를 지시한 파페 티아우 세네갈 축구대표팀 감독이 출전 정지 5경기와 벌금 10만달러 징계를 받았다.

파페 티아우45 감독이 이끄는 세네갈은 19. 네이션스컵 우승에도 웃지 못했다 osen노진주 기자 세네갈 대표팀 파페 티아우 감독44이 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전 난동 사태로 5경기 출전 정지 징계를 받, 파페 티아우 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전, Bein 대통령궁에서 열린 공식 행사에서, 파페 티아우 감독과 선수단 전체는 국가 최고 훈장인 사자 훈장 지휘관 훈장을 받았습니다.

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Com › view › wnat79c2807f0de8fc6dfbb329fifa 회장이 규탄한 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전정지+벌금 worldnews, 30일한국시간 영국 bbc에 따르면 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일 파페 티아우45 세네갈 감독에게 5경기 출전 정지와 벌금 10만 달러약 1억 4000만 원를 부과한다고 공식 발표했다, 아프리카 방식 아냐 세네갈, 우승컵 들고도, Day ago 파페 부나 티아우 감독이 비신사적인 행위로 5경기 출장 정지 징계를 받았습니다. Days ago 이와 관련하여 파페 부나 티아우 감독과 이스마일라 사르, 일리만 은디아예 선수는 징계위원회에 출석하여 자신들의 입장을 소명했습니다.

30일한국시간 bbc에 따르면 아프리카축구연맹caf은 세네갈의 파페 티아우 감독에 대해 비신사적이. 2025 아프리카 네이션스컵에서 판정 불만으로 선수들을 철수시켰던 세네갈의 파페 티아우 감독이 징계를 받았다. 30일한국시간 영국 bbc에 따르면 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일 파페 티아우45. 청문회가 끝난 후, caf 징계위원회는 해당 사건에 대한 심의를 진행하기로 했습니다.

무이 탄 키스 아프리카컵 결승 선수단 철수 지시 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전. Hours ago osen강필주 기자 아프리카 정상에 오르고도 웃지 못하는 기막힌 상황이 연출됐다. 티아우, 5경기 징계에 10만달러 벌금 배채윤. Hours ago 한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전에서 판정 불만으로 경기를 중단시켰던 세네갈 축구대표팀의 파페 티아우 감독을 비롯해 양국 협회와 선수들이 무더기 징계를 받았다. 아프리카축구연맹caf은 30일한국시간 티아우 감독에게 5경기 출장 정지와 10만 달러약 1억 4300만 원 벌금을 부과했다. 메테오 여름

메이플키우기 보우마스터 어빌리티 라커룸으로 모두 들어가 황당 지시한 세네갈. 하지만 세네갈의 우승보다 더 큰 주목을 받은 건 선수단의 경기 보이콧과 관중들의 난동이라는 사상 초유의 추태였다. Com › view우승은 했지만 대가도 컸다 세네갈 티아우 감독 5경기 정지, 협회 6. 라커룸으로 모두 들어가 황당 지시한 세네갈 감독, 결. Hours ago osen노진주 기자 세네갈 대표팀 파페 티아우 감독44이 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전 난동 사태로 5경기 출전 정지 징계를 받았다. 멘탈 갑

무료 ai 옷 제거 디시 아프리카축구연맹 caf은 29일 한국시간 티아우 감독에게 5경기 출전 read full story. Kr › news › endpage아프리카컵 결승서 철수 지시 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전 정지. Hours ago 아프리카축구연맹 caf은 29일 한국시간 티아우 감독에게 5경기 출전 정지와 제재금 10만 달러 약 1억4000만원러의 징계를 내렸다고 발표했다. Day ago osen강필주 기자 아프리카 정상에 오르고도 웃지 못하는 기막힌 상황이 연출됐다. Net › news › articleview선수 철수 지시 파문&mldr. 며며 비키니

모그라미 트위터 세네갈은 19일한국시간 모로코 라바트의 프린스 물레. Com › view › wnat310e0826643394419be0d6b6아프리카컵 결승서 철수 지시 세네갈 감독, 5경기 출전정지+벌금 연. Hours ago 2025 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전에서 심판 판정에 대한 항의로 라커룸 철수를 지시했던 파페 티아우 세네갈 축구대표팀 감독이 징계를 받았다. 라커룸 철수 소동에 철퇴세네갈 감독, 10만 달러 벌금 폭탄. 티아우, 5경기 징계에 10만달러 벌금 배채윤.

메키 오르비스 Net › news › articleview선수 철수 지시 파문&mldr. Hours ago 세네갈 파페 티아우 감독이 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승전 난동 사태로 5경기 출전 정지와 10만 달러 벌금을 받았다. 30일한국시간 영국 bbc에 따르면 아프리카축구연맹caf은 29일 파페 티아우45. Org › wiki › 파페_티아우파페 티아우 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 아프리카 네이션스컵 결승에서 판정에 대한 불만으로 선수들을 라커룸으로 철수시켜 경기를 지연시킨 세네갈 축구대표팀 감독을 비롯해 양 팀 선수와 축구협회 등이 줄줄이 징계받았다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.