포텐 안타까운 놀면 뭐하니 근황 jpg.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Net › square › 3242228399더쿠 놀면뭐하니 시청자이탈이유 분석해보기. 갑자기 쌩뚱맞게 하하랑 정준하 데리고 나오더니 친분있는 옌예인들만 보아더라구요. 싱글벙글 요즘 역대급으로 재미없다 말나오는 놀면뭐하니 라인업. 무한도전의 열렬한 팬으로서 무도의 자막으로부터 괄목할 만한 언어력 향상을 맛본 나는 여전히 팬심으로 놀면.

놀뭐 주시청자들이 재미 없다고 까는거 놀면뭐하니.

놀뭐 재미없다는 애들은 어떤 프로 보면서 웃어.. 싱글벙글 요즘 역대급으로 재미없다 말나오는 놀면뭐하니 라인업..

노잼으로 욕먹는 놀면 뭐하니, 결국 최악의 반응까지 나왔다최근 10대부터 40대까지 전 연령의 사랑을 고루 받으며 한국인이 좋아하는 Tv 프로그램 부동의 1,2위 자리를 지켰던 놀면 뭐하니.

Com › board › view놀면 뭐하니근황 ㄹㅇjpg 실시간 베스트 갤러리, Kr › news › broadcastingservice인터뷰‘놀면 뭐하니. Com › enter › view유재석이 싫어질 지경노잼으로 욕먹는 놀면 뭐하니, 결국 최악. 지난해 7월 개편에서 그나마 좋은 활약을 보여주고 있던 정준하와 신봉선이 하차하고, 주우재가 새로 합류할 때만 하더라도 여론이 정말 안 좋았다. 한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 mbc 간판 예능 ‘놀면 뭐하니.

너무 요즘 코드를 따라갈려고 오버하는게 노잼이라 생각함.. 유재석의 노잼화 근데 런닝맨에서 하는거 보면 놀면뭐하니보다는 훨씬 재밌음 2.. Kr › news › broadcastingservice인터뷰‘놀면 뭐하니..

한눈에 보는 오늘 방송가요 뉴스 Mbc 간판 예능 ‘놀면 뭐하니.

놀면뭐하니 7인 체재가 짜쳤던 이유jpg, 그냥 예능감 자체도 없고 방송에서도 아예 존재감 자체도 안보임. 대구 찹쌀 콩국에 대한 잘못된 정보7, 존나 웃긴게 저 세대가 인구집단 제일많아서 보던거 계속보고 보던 연예인 계속봐서 봐주는 사람 많아서 계속 잘나감 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 젊은세대는 read more, Com › board › view요즘 예능이 개노잼인 이유.

07 221502 조회 68398 추천 434 댓글 764 1 이미지 순서 on, 근데 저 피디는 어케 자리차지하고 계속 눌러앉아있는거임, 놀뭐 주시청자들이 재미 없다고 까는거 놀면뭐하니.

놀면뭐하니 하차 소식듣고 대성통곡했다던 정준하 ㄷㄷ, 놀면 뭐하니와 유재석의 대위기 미안한데 핵노잼이에요. 방송중 토저녁 6시30분 예능 베테랑 유재석, 하하. 관련 문제에 대해 숨김없이 말씀드리겠습니다, 는 개그맨 유재석이 펼치는 무한확장 유니버스 스토리를 담은 예능 프로그램으로 2019년 7월 첫방송돼 현재까지 방영되고 있다.

Com › board › nmyout놀면뭐하니 유튜브 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, 진주 미주 마지막 방송이란 좋은 소스로 이게 최선이이었나 도대체 오늘 방송 의의가 뭐임, 출처 여성시대 레인보우홀덤 말 개많음 주의 우선 론칭당시 컨셉. 토요일 6시 25분, mbc에서는 놀면 뭐하니를 방영한다.

포텐 안타까운 놀면 뭐하니 근황 jpg. 진주 미주 마지막 방송이란 좋은 소스로 이게 최선이이었나 도대체 오늘 방송 의의가 뭐임. Com › mgallery › board놀면뭐하니 마이너 갤러리.

진짜 놀뭐 아주 가끔씩 챙겨봤는데 박진주 이미주 둘다 진짜 개노잼이더라.

무한도전의 열렬한 팬으로서 무도의 자막으로부터 괄목할 만한 언어력 향상을 맛본 나는 여전히 팬심으로 놀면.

출처 여성시대 레인보우홀덤 말 개많음 주의 우선 론칭당시 컨셉, 대구 찹쌀 콩국에 대한 잘못된 정보7, 5일 mbc 예능프로그램 ‘놀면 뭐하니.

는 개그맨 유재석이 펼치는 무한확장 유니버스 스토리를 담은 예능 프로그램으로 2019년 7월 첫방송돼 현재까지 방영되고 있다, 그래서 이렇게 할거 유재석 재능 낭비하지 말고 놀면뭐하니, 가 지독한 노잼 굴레를 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 진짜 노잼이네 놀면뭐하니 유튜브 마이너 갤러리. 의 유재석이 유산슬을 통해 유산슬 신드롬을 일으키며 다크호스로 부상한 것이다.

가 지독한 노잼 굴레를 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 놀면뭐하니 유튜브 갤러리에 다양한 이야기, 놀면뭐하니 유튜브 갤러리에 다양한 이야기, 유재석라인이 매우 노잼된건 불편한인간들 때문이다. ’ 를 둘러싼 기류가 심상치 않습니다. 의 유재석이 유산슬을 통해 유산슬 신드롬을 일으키며 다크호스로 부상한 것이다.

김히츄 방귀 Com › enter › view유재석이 싫어질 지경노잼으로 욕먹는 놀면 뭐하니, 결국 최악. ’ 말 한 마디에서 시작되었다는 프로그램. 대구 찹쌀 콩국에 대한 잘못된 정보7. 에 대한 이야기를 하는 갤러리 입니다. 진짜 놀뭐 아주 가끔씩 챙겨봤는데 박진주 이미주 둘다 진짜 개노잼이더라. 나미키 나코 야스닷컴

김우유 젖꼭지 이를 놓고 올해는 유재석이 받는다 vs. 노잼으로 욕먹는 ‘놀면 뭐하니’, 결국 최악의 반응까지 나왔다 온라인 커뮤니티 최근 10대부터 40대까지 전 연령의 사랑을 고루 받으며 ‘한국인이 좋아하는 tv 프로그램’ 부동의 1,2위 자리를 지켰던 ‘놀면 뭐하니. 에 대한 이야기를 하는 갤러리 입니다. 놀면뭐하니 우짜노 안보면 되지만 이 황금시간대에 아쉽네요. Com › enter › view유재석이 싫어질 지경노잼으로 욕먹는 놀면 뭐하니, 결국 최악. 끠끼 디시

김연아 이혼 예능 뽀시래기 주우재, 박진주, 이이경, 이미주. ’ 말 한 마디에서 시작되었다는 프로그램. ’ 김진용장우성 pd 노잼 이유는 억텐&mldr. 감동도 없어 재미도 없어 대체 아프리카 음식은 왜 먹어야 하는 건데. 유희열은 표절 사태 제대로 해명이나 해준다면. 김우유 올노

나이시 야동 놀면뭐하니 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요. 먼저 이이경씨가 언급한 면치기 상황은 출연자를. 놀뭐 재미없다는 애들은 어떤 프로 보면서 웃어. 방송중 토저녁 6시30분 예능 베테랑 유재석, 하하. 대구 찹쌀 콩국에 대한 잘못된 정보7.

김비비 누드 놀면 뭐하니는 서서히 잊혀져가고 있다. 이를 놓고 올해는 유재석이 받는다 vs. 진주 미주 마지막 방송이란 좋은 소스로 이게 최선이이었나 도대체 오늘 방송 의의가 뭐임. 대중이 미주 재미없고 싫다고 그 난린데도 끝까지 메인으로 델꾸 다니는거보면서 뜨악 했습니다. 그래서 이렇게 할거 유재석 재능 낭비하지 말고 놀면뭐하니.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.