US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
조규성은 90분에 교체투입 되어 그라운드를. Com › best › 8787067704조규성 재활동안 벌크업 장난아니네 포텐 터짐 최신순 에펨코리아. 조규성전북은 지난해 국군체육부대상무 입대 이후 근육량과 체격을 키우는 ‘벌크업’으로 약점으로 지적받던 몸싸움에서도 밀리지 않는 공격수가 됐다. 복근 축구 남신으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있는 조규성이 군대에서 벌크업에 성공했다는 사실이 주목받고 있다.
진행자인 조세호 의 부친과 동명이인에 같은 항렬인데 실제로 이 회차에서 조세호의 부친이 꽃다발을 들고. Mbc 금요일 예능 나혼자산다에서 월드컵에서 활약한 조규성 선수가 나왔는데요 에능에서 샤워하면서 자연스럽게 복근이 공개되고 8키로 벌크업 한 이유에 대해서 소개했습니다 금요일의 예능 버라이어티 나혼자 산다에서 방송되었어요 나혼자 산다 공식 475회. 벌크업 때문에 스피드는 전보다 더 떨어졌는데 로그인이 필요합니다.30일 전주월드컵경기장에서 열린 2022 하나원큐 fa컵 결승 2차전 전북현대와 fc서울의 경기에서 홈팀 전북이 바로우의 한 골과 조규성의 두 골에 힘입어 박동진의 만회골에 그친 fc서울을 31로 꺾었다.. 투나잇 한국월드컵역사상 유일한 멀티골 기록 소유자 지난 월드컵은 조규성 뚝배기 두방으로 16강간거지 성과로보면 사실 독보적임 02월드컵빼고보면 사실상 1등.. 입대 후 엄청난 벌크업 을 진행했다는 것이 확연히 드러나 축구 팬들의 눈길을 끌었다..그런 고등학생 조규성을 감독님이 불렀던 별명은 성실한 악바리. 근육량을 늘린 이른바 벌크업을 그 비결로 꼽았습니다. 벌크업을 통해 체격이 커지면서 이루어진 것으로 보인다.
수비형에서 미드필더, 공격형 미드필더가 됐다. 살면서 가장 힘들었던 시간이었다라고 고백한 바 있다. 그걸 정확히는 측정해보지는 않았어요 웃음. 12 2011 핫가이 댓글 tory_15 2022. 댓글로 가기 추천비추 기록 이 게시물을 스크랩 목록에 기록.
Com › sports › sports_photo등지고 터닝슛 조규성, 벌크업 효과 제대로이제는 완성형 fw 한, |조규성이 생애 첫 a대표팀의 부름을 받았다. 조규성전북은 지난해 국군체육부대상무 입대 이후 근육량과 체격을 키우는 ‘벌크업’으로 약점으로 지적받던 몸싸움에서도 밀리지 않는 공격수가 됐다. 12 2015 왐마 댓글 tory_18, 이때까지가 벌크업 이전ㄷㄷㄷㄷ 2022.
조규성 재활동안 벌크업 장난아니네 스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요. 마른 체형이었던 이전과 달리 벌크업을 감행, 건장한 체격을 자랑하게 됐다, Kr › news › endpage군대에서 확 커진 조규성벌크업의 힘 sbs news. 뛰어다니는 모습이 뒤뚱거리는 것처럼 보일 정도로 거의 모든 움직임이 한박자씩 느리다, 조규성 벌크업 전vs후 브라짤 게임토리. 몸싸움도 많이 빌리고 그래서 벌크업을 해야겠다고 말했습니다.
Com › talk › 368447580조규성 벌크업 한 거 알아, 조규성 동국 형이 등지는 법 알려줘 이동국 많이 늘었더라. 군대서 짬밥 먹으며 몸 잔뜩 키워온 조규성의 입대 전후 피지컬 상태 비교 feat.
조규성은 대한축구협회 sns를 통해 몸무게가 12kg 빠졌고, 하루 34번씩 진통제를 맞아도 밤에 계속 깼다.. 댓글로 가기 추천비추 기록 이 게시물을 스크랩 목록에 기록.. 벌크업하면 등지고 플레이하는 기술이라도 있어야하는더 볼간수 퍼스트터지..
엄청난 벌크업을 성공해 돌아온 조규성 근황ㄷㄷ, 그걸 정확히는 측정해보지는 않았어요 웃음, Kr › hot issue › article‘반삭+벌크업’ 조규성, 부상 딛고 448일 만에 복귀 bnt뉴스, 황의조와 함께 한국 전방을 책임질 조규성은 2022 카타르 월드컵 아시아지역 최종예선 1, 2차전 출격을 준비한다.
고객센터 소개 로그인 pc버전 맨위로, Mbc 금요일 예능 나혼자산다에서 월드컵에서 활약한 조규성 선수가 나왔는데요 에능에서 샤워하면서 자연스럽게 복근이 공개되고 8키로 벌크업 한 이유에 대해서 소개했습니다 금요일의 예능 버라이어티 나혼자 산다에서 방송되었어요 나혼자 산다 공식 475회. 과연 소속팀에서 재기에 성공해 내년 월드컵에 출전할 수 있을지 귀추가 주목된다, 수술 부위가 감염되어 합병증이 발생한 것. 벌크업 때문에 스피드는 전보다 더 떨어졌는데 로그인이 필요합니다.
조규성 벌크업 전vs후 브라짤 마이프로틴 코리아 1월 정기 대란start. 웨이트 트레이닝에서의 3대 측정은 스쿼트, 벤치프레스, 데드리프트의 중량을 측정하는 것이다, 스포츠니어스 전주조성룡 기자 전북 조규성은 여전히 자신감에 차 있었다.
메이플키우기 갤러ㅣ 뛰어다니는 모습이 뒤뚱거리는 것처럼 보일 정도로 거의 모든 움직임이 한박자씩 느리다. 또 부상 이전보다 오히려 더 크게 불어난 근육도 눈에 띈다. 12 2012 케이팝 파는데 팔로우한 외국팬이 조규성 보면서 자국팀 월드컵탈락 위로 받는다고 해서 귀여웠어ㅎㅎ 댓글 tory_16 2022. 투나잇 한국월드컵역사상 유일한 멀티골 기록 소유자 지난 월드컵은 조규성 뚝배기 두방으로 16강간거지 성과로보면 사실 독보적임 02월드컵빼고보면 사실상 1등. 조규성은 운동하고, 밥 먹고, 자는 패턴이었다. 메이플 키우기 pc 디시
무 이치로 짤 30일 전주월드컵경기장에서 열린 2022 하나원큐 fa컵 결승 2차전 전북현대와 fc서울의 경기에서 홈팀 전북이 바로우의 한 골과 조규성의 두 골에 힘입어 박동진의 만회골에 그친 fc서울을 31로 꺾었다. 30 1848 조규성 벌크업 전후 비교. 체중이 79㎏에서 84㎏가 됐고, 근육량이 4㎏ 늘었다. 12 2012 케이팝 파는데 팔로우한 외국팬이 조규성 보면서 자국팀 월드컵탈락 위로 받는다고 해서 귀여웠어ㅎㅎ 댓글 tory_16 2022. 매체는 ‘한국에서 가장 존재감을 나타내고 있는 선수는 등번호 9번 조규성이다. 메키 쌀먹
명조모딩챈 벌크업 조규성 정태욱에게 몸싸움 밀리고 약올랐다 엠스플. 뛰어다니는 모습이 뒤뚱거리는 것처럼 보일 정도로 거의 모든 움직임이 한박자씩 느리다. |조규성이 생애 첫 a대표팀의 부름을 받았다. 국내외 핫이슈 정보 일상, 유머, 생활정보를 빠르게 알려 드립니다. 벌크업 때문에 스피드는 전보다 더 떨어졌는데 로그인이 필요합니다. 모라라 얼굴 디시
메이플키우기 직업변경권 수비형에서 미드필더, 공격형 미드필더가 됐다. Com › sports › sports_photo등지고 터닝슛 조규성, 벌크업 효과 제대로이제는 완성형 fw 한. 조규성 재활동안 벌크업 장난아니네 스크랩 목록에 기록해둘 제목을 변경해주세요. Kr › new › bbs_view8kg 찌우고 조규성 벌크업, 과거 모습에 모두 경악했다. 조규성 벌크업 전vs후 브라짤 마이프로틴 코리아 1월 정기 대란start.
몰카범을 주인님으로 모시게 된 썰 고통스러운 시간을 이겨내고 새로운 모습으로 팬들을 찾은 조규성. 벌크업 조규성 정태욱에게 몸싸움 밀리고 약올랐다 엠스플. 벌크업하면 등지고 플레이하는 기술이라도 있어야하는더 볼간수 퍼스트터지. 살면서 가장 힘들었던 시간이었다라고 고백한 바 있다. 엄청난 벌크업으로 돌아온 조규성 근황.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
30일 전주월드컵경기장에서 열린 2022 하나원큐 fa컵 결승 2차전 전북현대와 fc서울의 경기에서 홈팀 전북이 바로우의 한 골과 조규성의 두 골에 힘입어., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.