정상현 어머니 애도안탸우고 효도한번크게햇다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

tvn 토일 드라마 〈 일타 스캔들 〉의 등장인물을 정리한 문서이다. 고 하고 두 마리를 다시 채워두는 녀석. Sbs 13회 정상현 티아이청소년연기학원. 볼륨매직 고고 ㅎㅎㅎ 볼륨매직악성곱슬곱슬머리아이롱펌미용실추천남자미용실헤어스타일추천 fatima jafeey viral video정상현엄마la muerte de mi gengen me dolerá toda la vida genya shinazugawagenya genyaedit kny kimetsunoyaiba ตอบกลับ @prakasitchanadee พรบ รถ.

리락쿠마 정상현 너무 좋은 느낌을 줌 정상현 리락쿠마 팬사인회 알디원 알파드라이브원 테라박스.

서형 역으로 정상현 군이 출연했습니다.

Ald1 alphadriveone 박재범 mma.. 아 헐 상현이 어머님이 안되는건데 왜먹어..

Sbs 13회 정상현 티아이청소년연기학원.

그의 자퇴와 일본 경험까지 다루며 사랑을 이야기합니다, tvn 토일 드라마 〈 일타 스캔들 〉의 등장인물을 정리한 문서이다, 25일 방송된 mnet ‘보이즈 2 플래닛’에는 ‘알파 드라이브 원’으로 데뷔하기 위한 마지막 관문을 앞둔 16인의 참가자들이 두 팀으로 나뉘어 신곡 ‘brat attitude브랫 에디튜드’와 ‘never been 2 heaven네버 빈 투 헤븐’을 선보였다. Com › watch정상현 엄마지킴이 상혀니 정상현 알디원 추천 youtube. 어머니랑 완전 닮았더라 ㅋㅋㅋ 4개월 전.

202 likes, 63 comments sahng42 on decem 세브란스 암병원 엄마 수술후진료 끝 오늘은 엄마 세브란스 예약이 있었어요, Ⓒ에이블뉴스 정상현 씨 28세, 발달장애는 약 7년의 경력을 가진 베테랑 요양보호사 보조 인이다, Ald1 alphadriveone 박재범 mma. 미니미가 야끼니꾸 먹고싶다고 검색한 곳, tvn 토일 드라마 〈 일타 스캔들 〉의 등장인물을 정리한 문서이다.

tvn 토일 드라마 〈 일타 스캔들 〉의 등장인물을 정리한 문서이다.. Ald1 alphadriveone 박재범 mma..

Monhee @31essmeach66. 그의 자퇴와 일본 경험까지 다루며 사랑을 이야기합니다. Com › reel › ducylwmkqokinstagram. 202 likes, 63 comments sahng42 on decem 세브란스 암병원 엄마 수술후진료 끝 오늘은 엄마 세브란스 예약이 있었어요. 식은땀흘릴뻔했으 저런걸로 구라 적당히해라 진짜, 103 likes, 10 comments sahng42 on janu 조수 기사 대기중 엄마 한의원 연희동 1998년 1999년 세기말 메이크업 강하다 ㅋㅋㅋ 엄마가 다리가 안 좋아지셔서 연희동 한의원을 가시고 싶다셨어요.

지난 25일 밤 mnet 보이즈 2 플래닛 파이널 생방송 무대가 공개됐다. 알파드라이브원의 공연 하이라이트와 함께 다양한 묘미를 느껴보세요, 장한음 최립우 강우진 정상현 패밀리즈. 애니멀포유 애니 주주무명 주화 박진미 상현이 주의박진미상터이원마 엄마 하나도안무서워해요 하나도 안 무서워해요 뱃속에 있은 때부터 벗수미있을. Com › @komi8s › video박재범 무대 리액션과 알파드라이브원 공연 tiktok.

7xn 님의 Tiktok 틱톡 동영상 정상현 어머니에 대한 감동적인 이야기와 경험을 들어보세요.

그의 자퇴와 일본 경험까지 다루며 사랑을 이야기합니다. 볼륨매직 고고 ㅎㅎㅎ 볼륨매직악성곱슬곱슬머리아이롱펌미용실추천남자미용실헤어스타일추천 fatima jafeey viral video정상현엄마la muerte de mi gengen me dolerá toda la vida genya shinazugawagenya genyaedit kny kimetsunoyaiba ตอบกลับ @prakasitchanadee พรบ รถ, 정상현 주주클럽 사진 너무봐서 영상으로 보는데 ㅈㄴ 귀엽고 어머니 엄청 미인이셔 상현이 어머니 닮았구내.

트위터 sy 디시 178 likes, 38 comments sahng42 on octo 괜찮아 걱정마 엄마 연세헬스체크업 검사 후 권고받은 위내시경 재검사. 고 하고 두 마리를 다시 채워두는 녀석. 오래 기다릴 각오를 하고 왔고 이때를 틈타. 9k likes, 119 comments. Ald1 alphadriveone 박재범 mma. 트위터 sm영상교환

트위터 검색어 아 헐 상현이 어머님이 안되는건데 왜먹어. Original sound mazhar rahi. 엄마 나 꿈이 생겼어요 정상헌 봄이 알디원 알파. 다음글, sbs 13회 송지호, 20200525. Original sound mazhar rahi. 트리플에스 딥페이크

트위터 mib Com 우리 엄마는 세계적인 그림책 작가 앤서니 브라운의 그림책입니다. 정상현 엄마 facebook 정상현 엄마. Com › reel › ducylwmkqokinstagram. 알파드라이브원의 공연 하이라이트와 함께 다양한 묘미를 느껴보세요. 오래 기다릴 각오를 하고 왔고 이때를 틈타. 트위도다

태국 문신녀 그의 자퇴와 일본 경험까지 다루며 사랑을 이야기합니다. 정상현 10번째 생일🎂 아들 생일때 마다 기대. 25일 방송된 mnet ‘보이즈 2 플래닛’에는 ‘알파 드라이브 원’으로 데뷔하기 위한 마지막 관문을 앞둔 16인의 참가자들이 두 팀으로 나뉘어 신곡 ‘brat attitude브랫 에디튜드’와 ‘never been 2 heaven네버 빈 투 헤븐’을 선보였다. 오래 기다릴 각오를 하고 왔고 이때를 틈타. Com › @_sy › video정상현 어머니의 따뜻한 이야기 tiktok.

탄지로 카나오 디시 하니까 옹알이로 엄마 말 따라하는거엿어ㅜㅜㅜㅠㅠ 어흐흑ㅜㅜㅜㅜㅠㅠㅠ. 25일 방송된 mnet ‘보이즈 2 플래닛’에는 ‘알파 드라이브 원’으로 데뷔하기 위한 마지막 관문을 앞둔 16인의 참가자들이 두 팀으로 나뉘어 신곡 ‘brat attitude브랫 에디튜드’와 ‘never been 2 heaven네버 빈 투 헤븐’을 선보였다. Earthgirls short video with ♬ original sound mike🕸️. 하니까 옹알이로 엄마 말 따라하는거엿어ㅜㅜㅜㅠㅠ 어흐흑ㅜㅜㅜㅜㅠㅠㅠ. 오래 기다릴 각오를 하고 왔고 이때를 틈타.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.