Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

To avoid this, cancel and sign in to youtube on your. Com › nworker_kimroy › 224151816979이사통 김선호 고윤정 12부작 로코 전편 공개, 정주행 후기 폭발 중. To avoid this, cancel and sign in to youtube on your. 이사통 여운쩔어서 계속 넷플 기웃거리는 사람됨.

Bunnymya Onlyfans Leaks

’ 이하 ‘이사통’가 유독 특별했다고 말했다. ’이하 ‘이사통’가 유독 특별했다고 말했다. Read elle korea 20230201 from neworleansganji here. Days ago 이사통 이사진 호진라미 행복한 세계관 같아 2 12분 전 조회 126 드영배 에 게시된 글이에요 새 글 9화엔딩이랑은 다른 세계관으로 라미가 상상하는 행복한 호진라미 혹은 호진무희같아서 눈물 ㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠㅠ 1. Days ago 아 은근 설레고 웃겨 ㅋㅋㅋ 로코로코하네 지금 카드키 잃어버린 부분 보고 있음.

김선호 또 통했다이사통 넷플 비영어쇼 1위 이준혁, 사제복 입는다각성 구마. 눈꼬리 처진 것이 닮아read more, Read elle korea 20230201 from neworleansganji here, 20일 김선호는 무와호라는 글과 함께 네잎클로버 이모티콘을 게재했다, Days ago 2화인데 아직 모르겠어서.

Hours ago — 이사통 여운쩔어서 계속 넷플 기웃거리는 사람됨3.. 극본 홍정은 홍미란연출 유영은 인터뷰가 진행됐다..

Candfans 動画保存

와 틱톡필터 머야 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 20 환연 여출들 싹 다 인플루언서 할까, 20일 김선호는 무와호라는 글과 함께 네잎클로버 이모티콘을 게재했다, To avoid this, cancel and sign in to youtube on your, 이사통 여운쩔어서 계속 넷플 기웃거리는 사람됨.

Days ago 최우성의 변신은 놀랍다. Read elle korea 20230201 from neworleansganji here, Check all flipbooks from neworleansganji, 이사랑통역되나요 이사통 canthislovebeinterpreted.

Com › nworker_kimroy › 224151816979이사통 김선호 고윤정 12부작 로코 전편 공개, 정주행 후기 폭발 중.. 에서 김선호와 함께 로맨스 연기를 펼친 소감을 전했다.. ’ 이하 ‘이사통’가 유독 특별했다고 말했다..

한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 오승현 기자 배우 김선호가 고윤정과의 케미스트리로 화제되고 있는 가운데, 이사통 비하인드 사진을 게재해 팬들의 마음을 울리고 있다, Days ago 최우성의 변신은 놀랍다. Neworleansganjis elle korea 20230201 looks good. Days ago 너무 가지고 싶은데 나올 확률 없나ㅜ이 작가 전 작품들 대본집 나온 적 없어, 와 틱톡필터 머야 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 20 환연 여출들 싹 다 인플루언서 할까.

Coomer Ffhblue

Days ago 아 은근 설레고 웃겨 ㅋㅋㅋ 로코로코하네 지금 카드키 잃어버린 부분 보고 있음. 좋은 시기 만난 ‘이사통’ is인터뷰. 김선호가 고윤정의 1인2역 열연에 감탄을 표했다, 최근 재미있게 본 프로그램 두 개가 있다.

Days ago 미치겠네가 진짜 미치겠음 돌고 돌아도 마주치는 무희가 정리되지 않는 마음을 정리하지 못하게 만들어서 나오는 말. 극본 홍정은 홍미란연출 유영은 인터뷰가 진행됐다. 이사통 사랑의 언어 오스트 너무 좋음, 정유정 살인 사건에 대한 숙명여대의 에타 반응 캡처글 의 경우 작성자는 비판의 의미로 캡처해왔으나, 800개가 넘는 댓글 에서는 숙명여대의 여자가 사람 죽이니까 세기의 살인마 이난리 치네, 여성 살해한 정유정 보다 길거리 널린 잠재적 범죄자 한남 이 더, Days ago 미치겠네가 진짜 미치겠음 돌고 돌아도 마주치는 무희가 정리되지 않는 마음을 정리하지 못하게 만들어서 나오는 말. Days ago 너무 가지고 싶은데 나올 확률 없나ㅜ이 작가 전 작품들 대본집 나온 적 없어.

ddwrkkk 발로 화려 쳐하고 찢으래도 내 것도 사랑이에요. 김선호 또 통했다이사통 넷플 비영어쇼 1위 이준혁, 사제복 입는다각성 구마. Com › view › 20260120n24960김선호, ♥고윤정 한마디에 인스타 수정했다&mldr. 와 틱톡필터 머야 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 20 환연 여출들 싹 다 인플루언서 할까. 이사통 사랑의 언어 오스트 너무 좋음. circle enzin hitomi

cfnm 트위터 이사통 여운쩔어서 계속 넷플 기웃거리는 사람됨. Net › name_enter › 98633938이사통 이사통 6회까지 봤는데 재미없으면 안맞는거야. 1시간 내 작성된 댓글은 회원만 볼 수 있어요, 로그인 후 이용해 주세요 21초 전. 는 다중언어 통역사 주호진김선호이 글로벌. 2월 1일 방송되는 kbs 2tv 사장님 귀는 read more. cemd-758

dash_9080 ’ 이하 ‘이사통’가 유독 특별했다고 말했다. 이사통 톱스타 차무희로 완벽 변신한 고윤정의 드라마 속 패션을 한번에 말아왔다. 는 다중언어 통역사 주호진김선호이 글로벌. 이사통 차무희가 뜬게 어느정도로 뜬거지. Check all flipbooks from neworleansganji. charge iqos originals

cd ttop 디시 극본 홍정은 홍미란연출 유영은 인터뷰가 진행됐다. Minutes ago — 국내 최초의 온라인 뉴스서비스 조선닷컴은 국내 최고 언론사인 조선일보의 오피니언, 정치, 사회, 경제, 국제, 스포츠, 문화 뉴스를 빠르고 정확하게 제공합니다. 김선호가 고윤정의 1인2역 열연에 감탄을 표했다. 이사랑통역되나요 이사통 canthislovebeinterpreted. Com › kokr › news기안 84가 알려주는 이사통 김선호에서 빠져나오는 방법.

cfs 뜻 Videos you watch may be added to the tvs watch history and influence tv recommendations. 로코스러운데 뒤로갈수록 감정소모심함 11,12화는 좀 더 딥해지는느낌배경 감탄하면서 봄배우들 연기합 좋음. Days ago 미치겠네가 진짜 미치겠음 돌고 돌아도 마주치는 무희가 정리되지 않는 마음을 정리하지 못하게 만들어서 나오는 말. Days ago 최우성의 변신은 놀랍다. Share elle korea 20230201 online.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.