Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

채널a 하트시그널 시즌2 매주금 밤 11시 11분 방송. a 하트시그널페어링 시리즈 남녀 입주자 역대 유튜브 최다 구독자 수는 다음과 같다. Com › heartsignal하트시그널 facebook. 이 때 남자 메기로 등장했던 김현우의 임팩트 는 강력했어요.

트위터 부카케

넷플릭스 기준 10628초 하트시그널4 9화 ost로 수록곡으로 나온 ethan dufault signs.. Com › heartsignal하트시그널 facebook.. 첫 방영일자는 3월 7일, 넷플릭스 최초 공개는 3월 8일입니다..

해당 프로그램은 4팀의 일반인 솔로 남녀가 에서 함께 생활하며 보여주는 디테일과 썸을 보여주고 있다. 히트시그널 1에 나온 배윤경은 이제 주연배우로 활동하죠. 두 명의 남자 출연자에게 데이트 신청을 받았다, 뮤직비디오에 직접 출연한 건 아니지만 윤종신 이 발표한 월간 윤종신 두 곡에 뮤직비디오가 하트시그널4 장면이고 2023 월간 윤종신 5월호 앨범 커버도 출연자들이다, 07 1418 하트시그널4 여자 출연자.

바로 후신과 지영이 데이트씬에서 나온 곡이다. 하트시그널을 통해 유명해진 사람도 많은데요. 시그널 하우스 내의 기류는 어떻게 변해가고 있을지 참 궁금합니다, 뮤직비디오에 직접 출연한 건 아니지만 윤종신 이 발표한 월간 윤종신 두 곡에 뮤직비디오가 하트시그널4 장면이고 2023 월간 윤종신 5월호 앨범 커버도 출연자들이다, 전반적으로 일본 예능을 베끼거나 벤치마킹했다는.

파멸의 공주 Porn

트위터 야동 Sotwe

히트시그널 1에 나온 배윤경은 이제 주연배우로 활동하죠. 연애 예능 열풍을 일으킨 채널a 하트시그널이 오는 5월 돌아온다. 히트시그널 1에 나온 배윤경은 이제 주연배우로 활동하죠.

하트시그널 시즌2는 2018년에 방영된 프로그램으로 벌써 5년이나 지났습니다.. 김지영 하트시그널 연예인 배우 인플루언서 인기, 상당수는 헨리 8세 시대인 1530년대에 만들어졌으며, 일부는 그의 배우자였던 아라곤의 캐서린.. 강소현 기자 아프리카tv bj 금화가 자신을 둘러싼 루머에 대해 해명했다..

바로 인데요, 기존에는출연자들의 설레는 연애를 보여주는 프로그램이었다면,이번에는 결혼을 소재로 한 프로그램으로새롭게 태어났습니다. 재생 에러 다운로드 실패 또는 지원하지 않는 형식입니다. 출처 하트시그널4 9화 中 하트시그널4 9화를 보다가 너무나도 좋은 곡을 발견했다.

티으갱

두 명의 남자 출연자에게 데이트 신청을 받았다. 하트시그널 선공개 시즌1 입주자들이 말하는 시즌2 입주자, 히트시그널 1에 나온 배윤경은 이제 주연배우로 활동하죠, 하트시그널 시즌2 출연진들의 정보를 간단하게 요약해볼게요, 강소현 기자 아프리카tv bj 금화가 자신을 둘러싼 루머에 대해 해명했다. 하트 통틀어 역대급 1위 메기라는 말이 나왔으니깐요.

A 하트시그널은 하시 또는 핱시라고 줄여서 불리기도 하고, 하트페어링은 하페, 핱페라고 약칭되곤 한다. 채널a 하트시그널 시즌2 매주금 밤 11시 11분 방송. 데이트를 마치고 돌아온 그들의 마음은.

‘하트시그널4’에 출연한 인플루언서 김지영이 남자친구 신상 공개와 관련해 솔직한 심경을 털어놓았다, a 하트시그널페어링 시리즈 남녀 입주자 역대 유튜브 최다 구독자 수는 다음과 같다. 하트시그널3 박지현, 김강열만큼 이것 끊기 힘들다 강소현 톱스타.

트젠사이트

김지영, 이주미, 유지원과 함께 잡지 《싱글즈》 2023년 6월호 표지 모델로 나섰다. 하트시그널4 마이너 설정 new 연관 글쓰기 차단 설정 머리말∙꼬리말 설정 ai 이미지 간편 등록new 일반 신민규가 역대급 joat인 이유 말해준다 글김 ㅇㅇ 121, 히트시그널 1에 나온 배윤경은 이제 주연배우로 활동하죠. 원조 연애 프로그램 하트시그널이 새로운 제목으로 돌아왔습니다.

트위터 얼공 자위 하트시그널 선공개 시즌1 입주자들이 말하는 시즌2 입주자. 관동지방의 전 사천왕인 칸나의 최후의 히든카드. 두 명의 남자 출연자에게 데이트 신청을 받았다. A 하트시그널은 하시 또는 핱시라고 줄여서 불리기도 하고, 하트페어링은 하페, 핱페라고 약칭되곤 한다. 넷플릭스 기준 10628초 하트시그널4 9화 ost로 수록곡으로 나온 ethan dufault signs. 팀진우 백만송

트위터 섹트 키치 금화 남친 하트 시그널 진화시는 복건성, 강서성 등 주변지역의 화물이 모이는 곳이며, 중국 전역과 해외 각국을 상대로 장사를 하는 도시이다. ‘하트시그널4’에 출연한 인플루언서 김지영이 남자친구 신상 공개와 관련해 솔직한 심경을 털어놓았다. 12 1801 금화는 내가 본 공방이나 외부캠에서 잘못나오는거 본적이 없는거같음. 이미 2018년 여름, 제작진 측에서 시즌 3를 론칭할 계획을 언급했지만 2019년에는 시즌 3 소식이 없었다. 각 화마다 주아문, 장우기, 강사달, 관홍, 양초월과 심리학 전문가 강진우가 함께 시그널 탐정으로서 8명의. 파송무 19

파이즈리 폰허브 김지영, 이주미, 유지원과 함께 잡지 《싱글즈》 2023년 6월호 표지 모델로 나섰다. 12 1801 진짜 구도랑 색감이 하트시그널 느낌이네 2 검은띠얍얍얍 2025. 관동지방의 전 사천왕인 칸나의 최후의 히든카드. 12 1801 ㅈㄴ이쁘다 dex 2025. 채널a 하트시그널 시즌2 매주금 밤 11시 11분 방송. 트젠바 가격

트위터 비계 디시 풍부한 연애경험으로 시그널 하우스의 러브라인을 ‘촉촉’ 짚어내는 예측단. 하트시그널을 통해 유명해진 사람도 많은데요. 풍부한 연애경험으로 시그널 하우스의 러브라인을 ‘촉촉’ 짚어내는 예측단. 재생 에러 다운로드 실패 또는 지원하지 않는 형식입니다. 하트시그널페어링 시리즈 남녀 입주자 역대 유튜브 최다 구독자 수는 다음과 같다.

트위터 비계 처벌 채널a 하트시그널 시즌2 매주금 밤 11시 11분 방송. 1 시그널 하우스에서 펼쳐지는 청춘 남녀들의 연애를 관찰하고 분석하며 최종 커플을 추리하는 채널a 의 하트시그널 시리즈 세 번째 시즌. 풍부한 연애경험으로 시그널 하우스의 러브라인을 ‘촉촉’ 짚어내는 예측단. 12 1801 금화는 내가 본 공방이나 외부캠에서 잘못나오는거 본적이 없는거같음. 해당 프로그램은 4팀의 일반인 솔로 남녀가 에서 함께 생활하며 보여주는 디테일과 썸을 보여주고 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.