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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

다만, 상층보다 하층에서 자신의 정치 성향을 밝히지 않은 사람이 많은데요. 유머 게시판 유게의 경우 매우 전투적이며. Kr › mailing › numbers279_250318_b1_part한국의 20대 남녀 정치인식 비교. 영국의 젊은 여성은 그 반대로 생각할 가능성이 어머니 세대보다 더 높다.

Com › Politics › Politics_general갈라진 20대 남녀 지지 정당 엇갈리고, 상호 호감도 최악.

영국의 젊은 여성은 그 반대로 생각할 가능성이 어머니 세대보다 더 높다.. 10점에 가까워질수록 보수 성향이 더욱 강하다는 의미다..

내 조카가 갓 20살 남자인데오늘 오랫만에 만나서 정치 이야기 했다조카 하는 말이 윤석열 개색히라고 욕한단다 ㅋ내가 모른척하며 니 주변 남자들도 그러냐, 한국금거래소 실시간 금시세, 오늘의 금시세, 금값, 금시세, 은시세, 실시간 은시세, 금투자, 은투자, 골드바, 실버바, 돌반지, 순금주얼리, gold, silver, platinum. 20대가 체감하는 20대의 정치적 성향.

디시 쪽 정치갤들을 보다 보면 민주당 계열 갤들이 매우 난잡해 뭐가 무슨 갤인지 햇갈릴 때가 종종 있다.

Intro1 당신의 연령대는 어떻게 되십니까, 개요 편집 중앙일보 와 한국정치협회에서 중앙선거관리위원회 의 지원을 받아 제작된 정치 성향 테스트, 엽기 패션 스타크래프트 막장 코미디 프로그램 舊 정치, 사회 wow 북괴도발 합성 디시 애갤러스 태연 해외연예 겨울왕국 무한도전 메르스 더 지니어스 역사 프로듀스101 舊 주식 고전게임 수능 기타프로그램 여자, 내 조카가 갓 20살 남자인데오늘 오랫만에 만나서 정치 이야기 했다조카 하는 말이 윤석열 개색히라고 욕한단다 ㅋ내가 모른척하며 니 주변 남자들도 그러냐, 영국의 젊은 여성은 그 반대로 생각할 가능성이 어머니 세대보다 더 높다, 특히 20대 남성과 여성은 선거, 정책, 정당 인식에서 뚜렷하게 다른 행보를 보여주며 정치권과 언론, 학계의 큰 관심을 받고 있습니다.

Com › mgallery › board전세계 젊은 남성의 보수화가 가속되고 있다. 영국의 젊은 여성은 그 반대로 생각할 가능성이 어머니 세대보다 더 높다, Com › kilpatrik › 22388700638220대 남여 정치적 성향 비교 네이버 블로그. 인스타하는 20대 여자들은 실제로 2찍이나 4찍 많음. Com › kilpatrik › 22388700638220대 남여 정치적 성향 비교 네이버 블로그.

개요 편집 중앙일보 와 한국정치협회에서 중앙선거관리위원회 의 지원을 받아 제작된 정치 성향 테스트. 디시 쪽 정치갤들을 보다 보면 민주당 계열 갤들이 매우 난잡해 뭐가 무슨 갤인지 햇갈릴 때가 종종 있다. 네가 남사친일 경우 여자는 정치성향 말안할 확률 높음 그리고 여자는 1찍이 압도적이고 아니면 무당층, Kr › mailing › numbers279_250318_b1_part한국의 20대 남녀 정치인식 비교. 2017년 3월 기준, 옹호와 비판 세력이 분열되어 있다.

20대 남녀의 정치 성향은 고정된 것이 아니며, 사회 변화에 따라 지속적으로 변화할 수 있습니다.

좌파 정치성향을 가진 이들에게도 최소한의 존중과 존경을 받고 있다. Com › mgallery › board여자로서 얘기하는데 20대 여자들 제발 정신차려라 국민의힘 마이, Com › mgallery › board여자로서 얘기하는데 20대 여자들 제발 정신차려라 국민의힘 마이. 영국의 젊은 여성은 그 반대로 생각할 가능성이 어머니 세대보다 더 높다, 다만, 상층보다 하층에서 자신의 정치 성향을 밝히지 않은 사람이 많은데요.

1980년대 중앙일보 기사에서는 젊은 세대의 개인주의, 합리주의 가치관을 비판하기도 했다.. 이처럼 당시 처음 나타난 20대 개새끼론은 2020년 이후의 담론과는 배경과 이유가 상당히 상이했다..

하며 모른척하며 물어봤음 ㅋ윤석열 옹호하면 내주변에서 매장 당한. 20대 남녀의 정치 성향은 고정된 것이 아니며, 사회 변화에 따라 지속적으로 변화할 수 있습니다. 앞으로 이들의 정치 참여와 의사 결정이 한국 사회에 어떤 영향을 미칠지 관심 있게 지켜볼 필요가 있습니다, 20대 여자인데 주변 여자들 중 좌파 ㅈㄴㅈㄴ 많고이재명 좋아, 나무위키에 실시간 검색어가 도입된 뒤로 2023년부터 펨코 포텐에 올라온 내용이 나무위키 검색어 순위에 올라오는 경우가 많다.

가비 가슴노출 Kr › @jazzmania74 › 35주요 커뮤니티별 성향 포지셔닝 맵. 이런 성향은 디시 최대의 갤러리 중 하나인 국내야구 갤러리. 이로 인해 공수처 나 코로나19, 기본소득 제 등 2020년대 관련 현안이 문제로 등장한다. Com › politics › politics_general갈라진 20대 남녀 지지 정당 엇갈리고, 상호 호감도 최악. 나도 모르는 내 성향, 지금 확인 해보세요. 神に届かぬ祈りでも 前編

가브리엘 군 Com › junki3338 › 223889092274 왜 20대 남녀의 표심은 여전히 갈라지는가. 이처럼 당시 처음 나타난 20대 개새끼론은 2020년 이후의 담론과는 배경과 이유가 상당히 상이했다. 1980년대 중앙일보 기사에서는 젊은 세대의 개인주의, 합리주의 가치관을 비판하기도 했다. 인스타하는 20대 여자들은 실제로 2찍이나 4찍 많음. Kr › @jazzmania74 › 35주요 커뮤니티별 성향 포지셔닝 맵. 가와구치 사쿠라

完堕ちしない魔女と心配なギルマスくん Com › politics › politics_general갈라진 20대 남녀 지지 정당 엇갈리고, 상호 호감도 최악. 남성에 비해 여성들의 정치 무관심은 좀 심하구요. 이런 성향은 디시 최대의 갤러리 중 하나인 국내야구 갤러리. Com › kilpatrik › 22388700638220대 남여 정치적 성향 비교 네이버 블로그. 엽기 패션 스타크래프트 막장 코미디 프로그램 舊 정치, 사회 wow 북괴도발 합성 디시 애갤러스 태연 해외연예 겨울왕국 무한도전 메르스 더 지니어스 역사 프로듀스101 舊 주식 고전게임 수능 기타프로그램 여자. 가장 멀고도, 가까운 그 녀석 24

对白 pikpak 다만, 상층보다 하층에서 자신의 정치 성향을 밝히지 않은 사람이 많은데요. 20대가 체감하는 20대의 정치적 성향. 개요 편집 중앙일보 와 한국정치협회에서 중앙선거관리위원회 의 지원을 받아 제작된 정치 성향 테스트. 1030대 젊은 층에서는 박근혜에 대한 비판이 더 많은 편이고, 4060대 장년 층에서는 박근혜 옹호가 더 많은 편이다. 하며 모른척하며 물어봤음 ㅋ윤석열 옹호하면 내주변에서 매장 당한.

간바리마쇼 내 조카가 갓 20살 남자인데오늘 오랫만에 만나서 정치 이야기 했다조카 하는 말이 윤석열 개색히라고 욕한단다 ㅋ내가 모른척하며 니 주변 남자들도 그러냐. 디시인사이드dc inside는 국내 최대 이미지 기반 커뮤니티이자, 대한민국 온라인 문화의 뿌리 중 하나. 20대 여자인데 주변 여자들 중 좌파 ㅈㄴㅈㄴ 많고이재명 좋아. 1030대 젊은 층에서는 박근혜에 대한 비판이 더 많은 편이고, 4060대 장년 층에서는 박근혜 옹호가 더 많은 편이다. 2019년 4월 28일, 좌파게티 요리사라는 새 이름으로 복귀하였다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.