Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › jdysya › pikpakhelprplusgithub jdysyapikpakhelprplus. the installation involves adding the userscript from greasy fork and configuring connection parameters to your aria2 server through the embedded configuration dialog. Allow copy customize text for multiple files and folder would be quicker then aria2c all since it doesnt post to your aria2 server and wait response. nga论坛,装机神贴,电脑报价,新闻,行情,装机,攒机,评测,新品,数码,手机,硬件论坛,nga,安卓,苹果.

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I would suggest add a feature to send torrent or download links to offcloud or pikpak cloud storage for offline download.. Aria2 needs to be installed on the same servercontainer if use docker as alist.. 115 task urls that are already in the offline list cannot be added again..

再也不用受pikpak的气了github离线转存迅雷x 保底30ms, Утиліти та інструменти. Contribute to ashesofdreampikpakautoofflinedownloadbotalist development by creating an account on github.

Aria2 它可以用来进行转码、格式转换、视频剪辑等操作 python自动pikpak离线下载+aria2下载+释放网盘空间的tg机器人, Net › topic pikpak来自新加坡的（网盘+离线下载+资源抓取）app, 通过磁力链接离线到pikpak，离线成功后自动推送到aria2 rpc 地址，下载完成后自动删除，不占空间。 命令示例： p magnet, 下载并安装aria2服务。 在网页上解析种子文件为磁力链接。 复制magnet磁链或pikpak分享链接。 登录pikpak网页端并粘贴磁链，pikpak会自动离线种子。 设置aria2并开始下载。 注意pikpak服务器速度可能不是满速，需要充值会员才能使用。 点击aff链接可以获得返利。. Com › evenday › pikpakgithub evendaypikpak 自动pikpak离线下载+aria2下载+释放网盘空. Утиліти та інструменти.

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A tampermonkey userscript that lets you bulksend filesfolders from pikpak to motrix aria2 for fast, reliable downloading, I would suggest add a feature to send torrent or download links to offcloud or pikpak cloud storage for offline download. pikpak是一款网盘工具，支持离线下载、秒存、在线播放等功能，最大特色是不限速下载。而aria2是一个高性能下载工具，两者可以配合使用以实现更灵活的下载管理。以下是具体的配合方式和使用建议： 1.

남배우 검색 User scripts for mypikpak. Missing newstar, telegraph pikabu. Otherwise, files will be downloaded to a userconfigured temp dir, and then transfered to the destination dir. 用途 得益于pikpak网盘与迅雷之间千丝万缕的联系，pikpak网盘的离线下载功能常常能做到秒离线。 其服务器上资源之多，使其被戏称为迅雷新加坡分雷。 对于已经下载不动的老磁力，不妨试试pikpak的离线下载，或许会有惊喜。. Complete rewrite using react 18. 네루짱 통일교 디시

노도강 김지훈 징역 Set aria2 uri and aria2 for offline download. Pikpak aria2 助手 js push pikpak files and folders to aria2 for downloading. 树莓派+ aria2 + web 远程离线下载. 下载aria2下载好并解压后，双击 install. Pikpak： also supports x, tiktok, facebook, tg url links some tips for using 115 offline downloads out of sync problems may occur manual refresh in the lower right corner currently, when the download is successful, completed tasks in the offline list are deleted. 남사친 불러서 밴드

노라조이 섹스 It explains the steps to install aria2, convert torrent files to magnet links, and import the links into pikpak. pikpak助手 pikpak网盘助手，绕过ip限制，支持aria2下载. Nightcloud app store. if you want to useconfigure pikpak for offline downloading mount pikpak storage set pikpak temp dir in the background select any folder of this account as a temporary directory if multiple pikpaks are mounted and you want to use that account for offline downloading, then select the directory of that account as the temporary directory. Net › posts › 6259appinn feed｜小众软件. 노은솔 시스루

내가 하늘에 서겠다 영어 Org › configuration › otherother configuration openlist docs. Pikpak採用安全備份技術，避免文件丟失。 pikpak的亮點： 註冊免費獲得6gb私人雲端存儲，以最低的價格升級會員即獲得10tb 私人雲端存儲，可存儲約8,000 個視訊檔案。 missing 尿, 2048 downcodes. Com › jdysya › pikpakhelprplusgithub jdysyapikpakhelprplus. Aria2 needs to be installed on the same server container if use docker as alist. Allow copy customize text for multiple files and folder would be quicker then aria2c all since it doesnt post to your aria2 server and wait response.

남돌 크기 디시 Pikpak 是一个网盘工具，支持离线下载、秒存、在线播放，最大特色是不限速，下载起来很过瘾，但有一些限制。 pikpak 助手 能给在 pikpak 网页版上添加一个按钮，可以一键推送至 aria2 下载工具中，并可以绕过 ip 限制，支持 alook，via 安装（alook 和 via 的 aria2 地址需要 s 协议）。 然后，在打开 pikpak 网页版 （注册邀请码 445445， 邀请链接）之后，就能看到在左侧新建按钮下方的 配置aria2 按钮了，然后根据情况输入你的 aria2 地址即可（路径可以留空）： 然后在需要下载的文件旁边，点击. Contribute to jackietsui975pikpak2cloudaria2 development by creating an account on github. Pikpak 助手 是一款油猴脚本，它主要用来为 pikpak 网页版提供推送到 aria2 下载功能。 @ appinn pikpak 是一个网盘工具，支持离线下载、秒存、在线播放，最大特色是不限速，下载起来很过瘾，但有一些限制。 pikpak 助手. Contribute to xiaoyadevxiaoyaalist development by creating an account on github. Pikpak 助手 是一款油猴脚本，它主要用来为 pikpak 网页版提供推送到 aria2 下载功能。@appinn pikpak 是一个网盘工具，支持离线下载、秒存、在线播放，最大特色是不限速，下.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.