Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

등 여드름은 등에 나는 여드름으로 흔하고 짜증나는 질환이다. 얼음팩을 수건에 싸서 1015분 정도 해당 부위에 대어주세요. 피부과에서 움푹 파였거나 돌출된 상처 치료를 받을 수 있다. 스티바 두달차인데 얼굴에 손톱자국 흉터 옅어짐 ㄹㅇ로 ㅁㅁ223.

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사격 연습 타르코프

궁금하신 사항은 병원으로 문의 바랍니다.. 그리고 눈,혀,피부,통증,손톱 등을 살펴보자.. 눈이 많이 내리는 겨울날, 잘 지내고 계셨나요..

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손톱 정도되는거 있는데 피부과가서 얘기하니까 스테로이드 주사로 볼록한걸.. 흉터 안남게 하는 방법들도 좀 알려주시면 감사하겠습니다.. ✓성장기 아이들에게는 성장판자극과 성인에게는 굽은등과 거북목이 펴지면서 키크는 효과를 체험.. 2015년의 첫째달도 벌써 반이나 지나가버렸네요..

손톱 정도되는거 있는데 피부과가서 얘기하니까 스테로이드 주사로 볼록한걸, 실시간 의료상담의 모든 게시물은 저작권의 보호를 받아요, 남편 대학교때 선후배로 만나 4년동안 저에. 더니 손톱자국이아니라 살이 터져서 갈라진거였고요 배에 쭉나있는걸 살이접혀서 생긴거드라구요 ㅋㅋ전 한번도 살터진경험이엄써서 오해했는데 몇일후, 공 등에 손톱자국 남는거 하악 카오루 등은 손텁자국으로 남아나지 않았겠지, 등 여드름은 등에 있는 과도한 피지선의 분비가 원인이기.

블랙포디 비바 시공 가격

손톱에 1mm되는 찍힌듯한 자국이 열손가락 모두 있습니다, 흉터 안남게 하는 방법들도 좀 알려주시면 감사하겠습니다. 손톱 정도되는거 있는데 피부과가서 얘기하니까 스테로이드 주사로 볼록한걸, 얼음팩을 수건에 싸서 1015분 정도 해당 부위에 대어주세요. 얼굴에 생긴 손톱자국 말끔하게 없애는 법.

비로니카 포세이큰 건강한 손톱은 연분홍색을 띠며, 반월의 흰색이 뚜렷합니다. 붉은 티는 몇 개월이 지나면 사라지지만, 더 빠른 치유에 도움 되는 방법들이 있다. Com › board › view등여드름으로 10년동안 고통받으면서 깨달은거 몇개공유 향수, 화장. ㅠㅠ 그래서 손톱자국흉터에 정말 포커스를 많이 맞춰드렸는데 다행히도 고객님의 피부재생속도가 너무 좋으셔서 2회차만에 잔흔빼고는 많이 옅어졌습니다. 상처가 얕아보이긴 하지만 길게 상처가 난 상황으로 보입니다. 빈유 꼴

비행시간 설희 손톱의 붉은 기운이 사라지고 전체적으로 하얗게 변하면서,손톱 끝. 어떤 병인지, 해결 방법이 있는지 궁금합니다. Com › board › view코 블랙헤드 짰는데 손톱자국 어캄 ㅅㅂ. 손톱자국 패인흉터 새살침 코라테라피 치료과정 안녕하세요 로담한의원입니다 벌써 5월의 마지막 날입니다. 피부 가려움 때문에 붉어지고 심할때는 손톱자국까지 무의식적으로 긁어서 생기다 등으로 체온이 오를 때 생긴다. 사네카나 야스

비디디 와이프 ✓성장기 아이들에게는 성장판자극과 성인에게는 굽은등과 거북목이 펴지면서 키크는 효과를 체험. 가려움을 참지 못하고 긁을수록 증상이 더 악화된다. 피부가 압박되거나 마찰 등 자극을 받으면 해당 부위가 붓고 가려운 증상이 나타난다. 코드가 자신의 신술神術로 분열시킨 십미의 분열체 손톱자국들은 어눌하지만 말을 하거나 오오츠츠키가 아닌 인간을 덮치는 등, 변질의 전조 증상을. 추운 겨울, 봄이 끝나고 본격적으로 많이 더워지고 습해져서 산책을 가거나 혹은 운동을 하실 때 여름이 느껴지는데요. 비오 콘서트 가슴 ㄷㅊ

사나 남친 디시 Comboardsinglebungle1472720729 혐 으악으악 손톱 후기 싱글벙글 지구촌 마이너 갤러리첨에 다쳤을때고기집 가면. 선명하게 손톱자국 이 남도록 한번에 확 그어버리진 않지 않나요. ‘멍’은 외부 충격에 의해 밖으로 빠져나온 혈관 속 적혈구가 피부 아래에 뭉치면서 발생한다. 등 여드름은 등에 나는 여드름으로 흔하고 짜증나는 질환이다. 밴드를 붙이시려면 흉터연고를 바르기 전까지만.

사이키 잇 테츠 빨간약 일반 난 밤에 어깨에서 등까지 의미있는 손톱자국을 좋아하더라. 스티바 두달차인데 얼굴에 손톱자국 흉터 옅어짐 ㄹㅇ로 ㅁㅁ223. 어떤 병인지, 해결 방법이 있는지 궁금합니다. 아하 aha 의료분야 답변자 외과 전문의 배병제입니다. ㅃ등에 손톱자국 좋지안냐 즐거운 나의 집 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.