아버지가 그토록 사랑한 손자, 지키지 못해 죄송합니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

19살 아버지와 46살 할아버지 父子 이야기. 어느날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주 아기를 데리고 왔다. 인간극장 자식 크는 모습을 볼 수 있잖아요 육아 위해 퇴사하고 김밥 파는 특전사 출신 남편 kbs 인간극장 그들의 밤은 낮보다 아름답다 080225. 오늘은 인간극장 레전드 아버지의 만두 근황을 알아보려고 합니다.

인간극장 아버지와 6명의 아들이 같이 산다는 충주호 집을 찾아가봤다 Kbs 인간극장 충주호 6형제 141124141128 방송.

Kbs 인간극장 아버지는 수행 중 2019년 1월 14일 1월 18일 방송 ▫️재미있게 보셨다면 구독 & 좋아요 눌러 주세요.. ‘인간극장 가족의 재탄생’이 17일 화제다.. 어느 날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주 아기를 데리고 왔다.. 6년만에 전해진, 인간극장 흑진주 삼남매 근황..

19살 아버지와 46살 할아버지 父子 이야기.

만물 트럭을 이어 아버지의 만두를 정말 재밌게 봤던 기억이 있습니다.

Kbs 인간극장 아버지의 들녘 2012년 2월 10일 2월 14일 방송 인간극장 시각장애 엄마와 아빠와 당찬 신생아 육아일기 kbs 인간. 어느 날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주 아기를 데리고 왔다. ‘인간극장’ 19살에 아빠가 된 한빛군 얘기kbs1 ‘인간극장’은 17∼21일 오전 7시50분 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편을 방송한다, 방송 이후 시간이 많이 흐른 지금, 그들의 삶과 최근 근황을 찾아봤습니다.

인간극장 아버지와 아빠 넘 재미있을것 같아요. 어느날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주 아기를 데리고 왔다, ‘인간극장 가족의 재탄생’이 17일 화제다, ‘인간극장’ 19살에 아빠가 된 한빛군 얘기 kbs1 ‘인간극장’은 17∼21일 오전 7시50분 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편을 방송한다. Kbs 인간극장 아버지의 들녘 2012년 2월 10일 2월 14일 방송 인간극장 시각장애 엄마와 아빠와 당찬 신생아 육아일기 kbs 인간.

인간극장 자식 크는 모습을 볼 수 있잖아요 육아 위해 퇴사하고 김밥 파는 특전사 출신 남편 kbs 인간극장 그들의 밤은 낮보다 아름답다 080225. 아버지는 초등학교 교사기도 하셨지만 기본적으로 아이들을 사랑하셨다, Kbs 인간극장 5부작 아버지와 아빠 서울연합뉴스 윤고은 기자 kbs 1tv 인간극장은 1721일 오전 7시50분 5부작 아버지와 아빠를 방송한다, 한국인 아버지와 가나인 어머니 사이에서 태어난 도담17 양, 용연16성연15 군, 인간극장 오래된 중식당, 가족의 손끝으로 다시 피어나다, 재혼한여자애도 대단한게2013년에 사귀고 얼마 안 있다가 남자가 바로 군대갔는데 그동안 애기들 엄마노릇해줬더라 20살에 근데 저 아들과 며느리와 재혼녀가 모두94.

자신은 받지 못했던 아버지의 사랑을 주고자 두 아들을 금지옥엽처럼 지극정성으로. 드디어 처음 교문을 나서려는데 성숙이가 주저앉아버렸다. 많이 회복한 아버지 모습에 눈물 흘리는 소유씨와, 인간극장 자식 크는 모습을 볼 수 있잖아요 육아 위해 퇴사하고 김밥 파는 특전사 출신 남편 kbs 인간극장 그들의 밤은 낮보다 아름답다 080225. 프로그램은 19살에 아버지가 된 한빛군과 그런 아들 덕분에 46살에 할아버지가 된 아버지 한택주씨의 이야기를 전한다.

특히 아들에게 엄청 엄격하게 하시던 아버지의 모습이 떠오르는데요.

인간극장 가족 떠나 산으로 들어간 아빠 근 20년만에 가족들, 재혼한여자애도 대단한게2013년에 사귀고 얼마 안 있다가 남자가 바로 군대갔는데 그동안 애기들 엄마노릇해줬더라 20살에 근데 저 아들과 며느리와 재혼녀가 모두94. 어느날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주.

인간극장 아버지와아빠 Kbs 2011.

이 식당의 주인 최덕순 씨는 63세의 나이에도 밝은 미소로 손님을 맞이한다. Kr › 인간극장 아버지와인간극장 아버지와 아빠 근황. 인간극장☆ 은퇴 후 고향에 내려와 98세 아버지를 지극정성으로 모시며 살아가는 아들과 며느리의 동막골 인생 2막 동막골 부자유친 kbs 방송. 이씨는 어머니 박경순씨가 사별한 첫번째 남편과의 사이에서 낳은 첫아들.

에로배우 지우 인간극장 아버지와아빠 kbs 2011. Kr › 인간극장 아버지와인간극장 아버지와 아빠 근황. 아버지가 그토록 사랑한 손자, 지키지 못해 죄송합니다. Com › watch1부 19살에 아빠가 된 아들. 인간극장 아버지와 아빠의 가슴 뭉클한 이야기 1. 양아지 야동

어나레 신묘한 사탕 5부작 16 남보라는 민우 아버지의 사촌 동생이므로 민우와 5촌 간이다. 그 행복의 위에 사람에게 화를 여자는 힘들어요. 어느날 아들이 예쁜 며느리와 1살 손주 아기를 데리고 왔다. 인간극장 한빛 군 아버지와 아빠, 그 후 근황은. 5부작 16 남보라는 민우 아버지의 사촌 동생이므로 민우와 5촌 간이다. 엄태웅 손오반 키

야옹이 작가 이혼 인간극장 아버지와 아빠의 가슴 뭉클한 이야기 1. 인간극장 아버지와 6명의 아들이 같이 산다는 충주호 집을 찾아가봤다 kbs 인간극장 충주호 6형제 141124141128 방송. 불우한 환경 덕분에 오히려 가족의 사랑을 절실히 깨달은 택주 씨. 지난해 12월23일부터 27일까지 방영된 kbs 1tv ‘인간극장’ 가족의 재탄생에서는 서울에서의 삶을 정리하고 귀어한 이설민씨의 일상이 그려졌다. 인간극장 아버지와 6명의 아들이 같이 산다는 충주호 집을 찾아가봤다 kbs 인간극장 충주호 6형제 141124141128 방송. 에바 라이키

얀데레히토미 Com › watch1부 19살에 아빠가 된 아들. 인간극장 아버지와 6명의 아들이 같이 산다는 충주호 집을 찾아가봤다 kbs 인간극장 충주호 6형제 141124141128 방송. 이씨는 어머니 박경순씨가 사별한 첫번째 남편과의 사이에서 낳은 첫아들. 불우한 환경 덕분에 오히려 가족의 사랑을 절실히 깨달은 택주 씨. 인간극장 아버지와 6명의 아들이 같이 산다는 충주호 집을 찾아가봤다 kbs 인간극장 충주호 6형제 141124141128 방송.

업소 구인구직 2011년 kbs 1tv 다큐멘터리 인간극장 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편은 많은 시청자들에게 깊은 여운을 남겼어요. 인간극장☆ 은퇴 후 고향에 내려와 98세 아버지를 지극정성으로 모시며 살아가는 아들과 며느리의 동막골 인생 2막 동막골 부자유친 kbs 방송. 추자도 자전거 일주를 꿈꾸며 1학기부터 연습한 삼총사. 재혼한여자애도 대단한게2013년에 사귀고 얼마 안 있다가 남자가 바로 군대갔는데 그동안 애기들 엄마노릇해줬더라 20살에 근데 저 아들과 며느리와 재혼녀가 모두94. 인간극장 은퇴 후 고향에 내려와 98세 아버지를 지극정성으로.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.