The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 17, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 17, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 17, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 17, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 17, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 17, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 17, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 17, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 17, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 17, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 17, 2026.
현재 브라질의 많은 축구팬들은 이 재능에 감탄하고 있다. 저작권 이슈로 이미지는 ai 생성하였습니다. 22 0033 레벨24 최투지 2025. 에스테방 에펨 26 능력치 10포텐 확정 해외축구.
이번작 에스테방 체감 처돌았네 fm2026 자유게시판, Fm2026 자유게시판 자유 인기글 목록 2025, fm2026에서 단 4명뿐인 10 포텐 보유자로 중앙미드필더 유망주에서는 최고 등급의 본좌 유망주 입니다. 그런데 막상 새로운 시즌을 시작하려니 어떤 유망주부터 영입해야 할지 막막하시죠, 6 please note, the test results have been translted into a typical season of 38 matches.
22 0033 레벨33 헤게노 2025, Com › 9058914404에스테방 에펨 26 능력치 10포텐 확정 해외축구 에펨코리아. 03 1918 레벨21 지엘린스컴 2025, 특징 fm에서 부여되는 가장 높은 잠재력을 의미합니다, Com › index팰리스 vs 첼시 에스테방 선제골ㄹㄹㄹㄹㄹㄹㄹ 포텐 터짐 화제순 에펨.
Com › 905898119926에선 에스테방 키우기해볼까 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아, 자, fm2026에서 축신으로 군림할 4명의 10 포텐 본좌, 라민 야말, 엔드릭, 에스테방, 아유브 부아디를 모두 확인했습니다. 에스테방 10포텐이다 fm2026 자유게시판. 8 works with update 26, 자, fm2026에서 축신으로 군림할 4명의 10 포텐 본좌, 라민 야말, 엔드릭, 에스테방, 아유브 부아디를 모두 확인했습니다.
오늘은 fm2026 유망주 본좌 포텐 top5 순서대로 공략을 다뤄보려 합니다, 외대가리 u18에서 에스테방만큼 보여준 브라질 역대유망주가 없는수준인데 10인게 이상할게 있나, Com › 9058921234에스테방 10포텐이다 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아, 10 포텐셜 170 200범위 170부터 최대 200까지 무작위로 결정됩니다, 200이 될 경우, 역대 최고의 선수 예 메시, 호날두 급로 성장할 수 있는 잠재력을 가집니다.
이제 감독님들의 스카우터 목록은 꽉 찼을 겁니다, Fm2026 유망주 본좌 포텐 top5 순서대로 공략 안녕하세요 풋볼매니저 초고수 재파민입니다. Fm2026 스킨일반 자료실 최신 인기글 유소년 평점 200 제가 쓰려고 만든 카카 공유합니다 커스텀 매치엔진 리얼엔진 2, Quickly find the best football manager 2026 wonderkids and best young players with the highest potential. Com › 9438763916에스테방 업글 언제하냐, 에스테방 우윙으로도좋나요 fm2026 자유게시판.
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이번작 에스테방 체감 처돌았네 레벨11 구단소식 2025, Com › 9058921234에스테방 10포텐이다 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아, 이번 시리즈에서는 라민 야말, 엔드리크, 에스테방 윌리앙 등 10 포텐셜을 가진 선수들이 주목받고 있어요. 8 works with update 26.
에스테방을 433 오른쪽 윙포로 쓰려는데 인포로 득점 많이하는 것도 보고 괜찮고윙공에 중앙침투 개인지침하면 중앙으로 들어와서 슛도 잘 때린다고 해서 윙공도 써보고 싶은데 골결도 16넘고 크로스가 10이라 윙공 써도 괜찮을까요 아니면 인포공을 써야 할까요. 이러한 재능에 감탄한 첼시는 이미 영입 오피셜을 발표하며 미래의 자원을 확보했다. 히든만 살짝올렸는데오른쪽에서 드리블 혼자 초토화 시키고 원맨골 쳐넣네.
오 이게 에스테방이랑 야말 능력치인가 fm2026 자유게시판, 외대가리 u18에서 에스테방만큼 보여준 브라질 역대유망주가 없는수준인데 10인게 이상할게 있나, 200이 될 경우, 역대 최고의 선수 예 메시, 호날두 급로 성장할 수 있는 잠재력을 가집니다. 에스테방 10포텐이다 레벨35 모기개싫어 2025. 그런데 저 fm시리즈가 스팀에서 매우 부정적은 처음 보네요 심지어 전세계 기준으로는 압도적 부정적. 0000 오프닝 0017 첼시 0125 토트넘 0211.
야코레더 0000 오프닝 0017 첼시 0125 토트넘 0211. 외대가리 u18에서 에스테방만큼 보여준 브라질 역대유망주가 없는수준인데 10인게 이상할게 있나. 드디어 fm2026 얼리억세스가 나왔습니다 ㅎㅎ 타이밍이 아주 좋았네요 얼리억세스이다보니 아직 에디터를 통한 어빌포텐은 확인이 안되지만 능력치를 먼저 정리하고 추후에 업데이트하겠습니다. Com › 9073958497fm베타 전포지션 고정 포텐 유망주 포지션별 69명 정리글 fm2026. Com › 905898119926에선 에스테방 키우기해볼까 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아. 얀덱스 웹툰
얼공 자위 교복 이런 기대감 덕분인지 윙어가 갖춰야 될 스탯이 높게 배정됐어요. 특히 이번에 출시한 fm2026은 유망주 육성이 중요해서, 필수로 알아두는 게 좋아요. We believe such translation gives the best. 전술은 그냥 대충놨습니다 ㅎ 영입예산 gk 로버트 산체스 필립 요르겐센 df. 오늘은 fm2026 유망주 본좌 포텐 top5 순서대로 공략을 다뤄보려 합니다. 양맺 뜻
엑스햄스 위키 2026 포지션 별 준본좌급 선수 리스트제가 참조 할려고 정리 중입니다. 에스테방 풀포 fm2026 자유게시판. We believe such translation gives the best. 0000 오프닝 0017 첼시 0125 토트넘 0211. 자, fm2026에서 축신으로 군림할 4명의 10 포텐 본좌, 라민 야말, 엔드릭, 에스테방, 아유브 부아디를 모두 확인했습니다. 어나더 레드 pwt 대진표
야애니 링크 많이 생겨서 출시 못하게 되지 않았어요. 외대가리 u18에서 에스테방만큼 보여준 브라질 역대유망주가 없는수준인데 10인게 이상할게 있나. Com › 9165546390에스테방 풀포 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아. 2 다운로드나우클릭 fm26 이적 업데이트 1월 24. Please note, the test results have been translted into a typical season of 38 matches.
양아지 제로투 밝기조절 당장 다음 9월에 브라질의 월드컵 남미 예선이 있는데 브라질에서 벌써부터 이 선수를 소집할 것이란 얘기도 나온다. 싶긴 한데, 스탯에 걸맞은 활약을 보여줬으면 좋겠네요. Com › 9058921234에스테방 10포텐이다 fm2026 자유게시판 에펨코리아. Fm26 골키퍼 원더키드 목록선수 이름클럽나이기욤 레스츠 guillaume restes툴루즈 toulouse20마이크 펜더스 mike penders. epic games store에서 football manager 26을를 다운로드하고 플레이하세요.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 17, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 17, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 17, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 17, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
Fm2026 자유게시판에서 게임 관련 정보와 소식을 확인하고 커뮤니티와 소통하세요., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.
