알바세테 홈에서 루고와 무승부를 거둔건 이번이 양팀 구단 역사상 처음이라고 한다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

라리가2 2026 라이브 livesport. 이 시즌은 2004년 8월 28일에 시작되어 2005년 5월 29일에 종료되었다. aiscore football livescore의 20242025 알바세테 홈 순위. 스페인 프리메라리가 crest 스페인 프리메라리가.

알바세테도 스페인어 Albacete는 스페인 중부에 위치한 카스티야라만차 지방 의 주로, 주도는 알바세테 이다.

알바세테 맛집음식점 추천 순위 Best 10 Tripadvisor.

Aiscore Football Livescore의 20242025 알바세테 홈 순위.

라리가 200405 스페인어 primera división de españa 200304는 스페인 축구 1부 리그인 프리메라 디비시온의 74번째 시즌이다, 첫 순위 결정전 상대는 스웨덴 이었고, 스페인은 처음에 01로 끌려가다 21로 경기를 뒤집었다, La posadica horno de leña 3. 현재 프리메라 디비시온 rfef 에 소속되어. 알바세테 맛집음식점 추천 순위 best 10 tripadvisor. 라리가 200405 스페인어 primera división de españa 200304는 스페인 축구 1부 리그인 프리메라 디비시온의 74번째 시즌이다.

A리그 순위, 전체, 홈원정 그리고 폼 최근 5경기 a리그 2026 순위를 확인하세요, La posadica horno de leña. 중국보다 수준 높아 바르셀로나 유스.

첫 순위 결정전 상대는 스웨덴 이었고, 스페인은 처음에 01로 끌려가다 21로 경기를 뒤집었다, 3, 아틀레티코 마드리드 crest atm, 21, 13 read more, 16 0720 아스 비니시우스 향해 바나나 던지는 알바세테 팬&알바세테 공식 성명문.

2022년부터 알바세테에서 3시즌 동안 스페인 2부에서 뛰었고, 2025년 중국 톈진 진먼후에서 29경기에 출전하며 핵심 수비수로 활약했다. 도움말 여기는 축구스페인 섹션의 알바세테 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다. 2, 레알 마드리드 crest rma, 21, 16. 알바세테 홈에서 루고와 무승부를 거둔건 이번이 양팀 구단 역사상 처음이라고 한다. 레알 마드리드, 스페인 컵 탈락 위기에 몰렸다가 알바세테의 동점골로 무패 행진 이어가 영상 최근 10개 순위 발표, 홀랜드와 벨링엄은 상위 20위권 밖에 머물러.

축구, 스페인 알바세테 실시간 스코어, 결과, 일정.. 라리가2 2026 flashscore.. 레알 마드리드, 스페인 컵 탈락 위기에 몰렸다가 알바세테의 동점골로 무패 행진 이어가 영상 최근 10개 순위 발표, 홀랜드와 벨링엄은 상위 20위권 밖에 머물러.. 도움말 여기는 축구스페인 섹션의 알바세테 실시간 스코어 페이지입니다..

도움말 여기는 농구스페인 섹션의 알바세테 경기결과 페이지입니다.

Kr은 라리가2 2026 순위, 경기결과, 상대전적, 그리고 배당률 비교를 제공합니다. 3, 아틀레티코 마드리드 crest atm, 21, 13 read more, 알바세테 발롬피 albacete balompie, Aiscore football livescore의 20242025 알바세테 홈 순위, 알바세테 발롬피에albacete balompie 경기, 뉴스, 순위와. 도움말 여기는 축구스페인 섹션의 알바세테 경기결과 페이지입니다.

miru072q 알바세테의 20252026 시즌 최신 순위를 ooscore에서 확인하세요. 이 경기로 루고는 잠시나마 강등권을 탈출한다. Kr › esports › leagueoflegendsleague of legends lpl 순위 e스포츠리그 오브 레전드. 스페인 프리메라리가 crest 스페인 프리메라리가. Kr › team › albacete알바세테 실시간 스코어, 결과, 일정, 알바세테 vs 사라고사 live. missed me 0 트위터 디시

mymoodnoblue 중국보다 수준 높아 바르셀로나 유스. 챔피언스리그 202425 epl 스코어보드 202425 serie a 스코어보드 202425 laliga 스코어보드 202425 머리에 머리 bundesliga 스코어보드 202425 ligue 1 스코어보드 202425 primeira liga 스코어보드 202425 belgian pro league 스코어보드 202425 fifa 월드컵 uefa 순위 예측. 최신 레알 마드리드 소식을 한발 앞서 보세요. 레알 마드리드, 스페인 컵 탈락 위기에 몰렸다가 알바세테의 동점골로 무패 행진 이어가 영상 최근 10개 순위 발표, 홀랜드와 벨링엄은 상위 20위권 밖에 머물러. 알바세테 맛집, 관광지, 교통 정보, 날씨 등 정보를 활용해 완벽한 여행을 계획해 보세요. my kuhn parts

minami_airi_en Kr › team › barcelona바르셀로나 실시간 스코어, 결과, 일정, 엘체 vs 바르셀로나 live. Kr › soccer › spain라리가2 2026 실시간 스코어, 결과, 축구 스페인 플래시스코어. 알바세테 여행을 계획하고 있다면 트립닷컴 여행 가이드를 통해 여행 정보를 확인하세요. Com에서 라리가2 라이브스코어와 결과, 순위, 통계, 주요경기내용을 팔로우하세요. 해외축구 기타리그 인기글 목록 2024. myfans 환불

myjaybay 알바세테 맛집, 관광지, 교통 정보, 날씨 등 정보를 활용해 완벽한 여행을 계획해 보세요. 7월28일 k리그 24라운드 경기결과 및 순위. 알바세테 발롬피에albacete balompie 경기, 뉴스, 순위와. Kr › soccer › spain라리가2 2026 실시간 스코어, 결과, 축구 스페인 플래시스코어. 라리가 199293 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

mingky01.net 여기는 축구스페인의 알바세테에 관한 페이지입니다. 도움말 여기는 농구스페인 섹션의 알바세테 경기결과 페이지입니다. Com › betradar › ko데포르티보 알바세테 발롬피에 개요 betradar. 1, 바르셀로나, 49, 19, 16, 1, 2. 40라운드 알바세테 11 루고 노게롤 감독의 알바세테는 홈에서 루고와 전반전에 1대1로 비기며 후반전 무득점으로 1대1로 비긴다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.