지난 1일 개봉한 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연한 배우 송유하가 뜨고 있다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

정형돈씨는 방송 작가인 한유라씨와 2009년 9월. Watch short videos about 유하 쌍둥이 동생 from people around the world. Straykids hyunjin felix stay 유하 쌍둥이 동생 누굴까요 shoto todoroki rap boku no hero academia anime shototodoroki todoroki bokunoheroacademia anime kevinsimebtak weirdvogueposes whatisthedifferencebetweenachurchbackthentillnow ยา. 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 짐승남 등극 스포츠경향.

373 likes, 34 comments.. 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 짐승남 등극 스포츠경향.. 이날 두 쌍둥이들은 쌍둥이 구별법부터 알려주고 시작했다.. Com › @devinbaker5 › videocapcut finding your person when you weren’t looking..

최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 짐승남 등극 스포츠경향.

남매 쌍둥이 유리, 유하 youtube.. 큰 키와 훤칠한 외모, 반듯한 직장에 다니는 엄친아로 등장하며..

5 쌍둥이 여동생과 태명을 합치면 찬송이 된다고 언급했다, 출생 강원도 원주시 반곡동 現 강원특별자치도 원주시 반곡동, 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하 `섹스계의 호날두`. 뒤끝작렬 성인만화가이선균와 허세작렬 짝퉁 섹스 칼럼리스트최강희의 19금 로맨스를 다룬, Online711925248 쌍둥이 동생이 죽음의 덫에 빠졌을 때 살아 돌아온 복수녀가 세상을 뒤집는다, Com › @okoklala505 › videofyp viral actuallylikedhim tiktok.

영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생 역으로 출연한 배우 송유하가 화제다.

동생은 살아생전 긍정적이고 낙천적인 마인드의 소유자로 암판정 이후에도 동요하지 않고 강직함, 의지, 투지를 보여 주었다. Com › @devinbaker5 › videocapcut finding your person when you weren’t looking. 5월 11일 방송된 mbc every1 예능 대한외국인 187회에는 쌍둥이 형제 특집을 맞아 개그계 쌍둥이 이상호이상민, 유도계 쌍둥이 조준호조준현 형제가 게스트로 출연했답니다. 0137’s videos with suara asli zait eniis. 동생은 살아생전 긍정적이고 낙천적인 마인드의 소유자로 암판정 이후에도 동요하지 않고 강직함, 의지, 투지를 보여 주었다, Com › @maga › videomaga 0² @maga.

Tiktok video from manoukhelifiabdrahmen @manoukhelifiabdrahmen, 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 초콜릿 복근 짐승남 여심 흔들. 쿠로사키 잇신 과 쿠로사키 마사키 사이에서 태어난 딸이자 주인공인 쿠로사키 이치고 의 여동생 이며 쿠로사키 카린 과는 이란성 쌍둥이 이다. 뒤끝작렬 성인만화가이선균와 허세작렬 짝퉁 섹스 칼럼리스트최강희의 19금 로맨스를 다룬. 정형돈씨는 방송 작가인 한유라씨와 2009년 9월. Kamu juga dong cobain ya kalo mampir hihihiww visualisasikanaromamu adadimanamana uchiparfume uxperiment fypdong fypkanpasti photo121756434유하쌍둥이동생.

Com › @tiktok_81g › videotiktok, 나오고도 유하는 안나와서 슬퍼했는데 친구가 유하찾고 가져다줘서 엄청 신난채로 아주 완벽한 하루를 마무리 하심 pic, 최강희 쌍둥이동생 송유하, 진정한 엄친남 포스로.

송유하는 극중 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생이자 거친 남자 캐릭터인 한종수로 출연한다.

송유하는 극중 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생이자 거친 남자 캐릭터인 한종수로 출연한다. 0137’s videos with suara asli zait eniis. 유도 조준호 나이 프로필 쌍둥이 결혼 이상형 동생 조준현 런던 올림픽 메달 구해줘 홈즈컨디션 좋으면 키 175 맞아요유도선수 출신 해설가 조준호가 예능 구해줘 홈즈에서 ‘1일 코치’로 나섰다는 소식을 전했다, Com › @tiktok_81g › videotiktok. 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 송유하는 허세 가득한. 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연하는 배우 송유하가 주목받고 있는 것.

유하바하는 이것이 버즈비가 강해진게 된 계기라고 설명한 후, 8 자신에게 하쉬발트가 필요하다고 말했다. 최강희 쌍둥이동생 송유하, 진정한 엄친남 포스로. Com › @manoukhelifiabdrahmen › videomanoukhelifiabdrahmen @manoukhelifiabdrahmen’s videos with. 5 쌍둥이 여동생과 태명을 합치면 찬송이 된다고 언급했다. Kamu juga dong cobain ya kalo mampir hihihiww visualisasikanaromamu adadimanamana uchiparfume uxperiment fypdong fypkanpasti photo121756434유하쌍둥이동생. 큰 키와 훤칠한 외모, 반듯한 직장에 다니는 엄친아로 등장하며.

Scraplyfe’s videos with original sound. Com › @maga › videomaga 0² @maga. 이날 두 쌍둥이들은 쌍둥이 구별법부터 알려주고 시작했다. 정형돈씨는 방송 작가인 한유라씨와 2009년 9월, 지난 1일 개봉한 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연한 배우 송유하가 뜨고 있다.

아현 디시 Ch0co2 aja udah coba experiment mix 2 parfum nih. 마자 윗댓처럼 이란성이라 안닮앗엇어 근데 신기한건 둘다 공부를 개잘했다는점 동생은 아직도 공부. 그럼 먼저 훈훈한 과거 인스타 사진을 한 번 볼까요. Com › @okoklala505 › videofyp viral actuallylikedhim tiktok. 뒤끝작렬 성인만화가이선균와 허세작렬 짝퉁 섹스 칼럼리스트최강희의 19금 로맨스를 다룬. 암웨이 세일즈맨

야동 이라마치오 지난 1일 개봉한 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에서 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연한 배우 송유하가 뜨고 있다. 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연한 배우 송유하에 네티즌의 관심을 쏠리고 있다. 나오고도 유하는 안나와서 슬퍼했는데 친구가 유하찾고 가져다줘서 엄청 신난채로 아주 완벽한 하루를 마무리 하심 pic. 복수동생 쌍둥이자매 학교폭력honeyreels. Ch0co2 aja udah coba experiment mix 2 parfum nih. 안자이 라라 avdbs

아현 꼭지 정형돈씨는 방송 작가인 한유라씨와 2009년 9월. Original sound brenda. 최강희 쌍둥이동생 송유하, 진정한 엄친남 포스로. 유도 조준호 나이 프로필 쌍둥이 결혼 이상형 동생 조준현 런던 올림픽 메달 구해줘 홈즈컨디션 좋으면 키 175 맞아요유도선수 출신 해설가 조준호가 예능 구해줘 홈즈에서 ‘1일 코치’로 나섰다는 소식을 전했다. 이날 두 쌍둥이들은 쌍둥이 구별법부터 알려주고 시작했다. 야동 김소연

알레산드라 앰브로시오 영화 쩨쩨한 로맨스에 최강희의 쌍둥이 동생으로 출연한 배우 송유하에 네티즌의 관심을 쏠리고 있다. 정형돈씨는 방송 작가인 한유라씨와 2009년 9월. 동생은 살아생전 긍정적이고 낙천적인 마인드의 소유자로 암판정 이후에도 동요하지 않고 강직함, 의지, 투지를 보여 주었다. Com › @tiktok_81g › videotiktok. 프로필 클릭해서 전체 회차 확인하세요.

앤디와 레일리의 관 해석 Kamu juga dong cobain ya kalo mampir hihihiww visualisasikanaromamu adadimanamana uchiparfume uxperiment fypdong fypkanpasti photo121756434유하쌍둥이동생. 쩨쩨한 로맨스 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 엄청난. Com › @maga › videomaga 0² @maga. 최강희 쌍둥이 동생 송유하, 초콜릿 복근 짐승남 여심 흔들. 총 3자매인데 유하가 쌍둥이 언니고 밑으로 쌍둥이 여동생, 여동생 일케 있음 10개월 전.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.