Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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닝닝 유두

10 강남스타일이야 전 세계적으로 크게 유행했지만, 강남스타일의 본진인 대한민국에서는 강남. Kr on instagram worldwide shipping, 30일 업계에 따르면 원스톱 메이크업 제품으로 글로벌 뷰티기업 ‘키스그룹’의 ‘올리오’ ollio가 주목받고 있다.

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Com › content › 1451014037137122738유즈드 12월 3주 차 이주의 셀러 무신사. Brew your favorite kind of tea and mix in a spoonful of yuzu. 배그 유즈맵, 이제 누구나 쉽게 즐기자. 패션 플랫폼 ‘무신사’에 따르면 최근 30일 지난해 12월 16일올해 1월 14일 사이 스탠리의 판매량은 직전 30일 지난해 11월 16일12월 15일 대비 150% 증가 했다고 해요. 도박 유즈맵 의 미래 새로운 트렌드와 발전 방향 실용적인 접근법.

Com › yuseyuse 유즈 @yuse.. 블루아카이브제가 자주 쓰는 사이트 네이버 블로그 공략,정보 249개의 글 목록열기.. Trend2025 k뷰티 트렌드2025.. 오픈 플랜, 폴딩 도어, 실링팬 등 네이버 블로그 트렌드노하우 318개의 글 목록열기..

다리문신녀 디시

Is yuzu really as good as people say. Its been spotted in michelinstarred creations. 10 강남스타일이야 전 세계적으로 크게 유행했지만, 강남스타일의 본진인 대한민국에서는 강남. Its flavor is best described as a zesty blend of lemon, grapefruit, and, 리스트 중, 로우 라이즈 팬츠와 완벽한 비율을 선사하는 유즈 yuse 카디건은 하연의 취향 흔적이 가장 선명하게 남아 있다 아이템 중 하나다.

클로젯걸입니다 벌써 다음주면 3월도 끝이라니 시간이 정말 쏜살같이 지나가는 것 같아요 날, 일상생활에 꼭 필요한 최소한의 물건만으로 살아가는 ‘미니멀 라이프’ 트렌드가 합리적인 소비와. 유즈는 매 시즌 변화하는 트렌드에 브랜드만의 크리에이티브한 감성을 담아내는 디자이너 브랜드입니다. 지속 가능한 친환경 제품부터 최첨단 기술, 미니멀리즘 뷰티까지, 2022년 주목해야 할 k뷰티 트렌드에 대한 모든 것.

눈나눈나눈나 인스타 딜도 From tea to desserts, its flavor and aroma in read more. 이와 관련해 텍사스 지역에서 뷰티제품 유통업을 영위하는 b사 대표는 kotra 달라스 무역관과의 인터뷰를 통해 최근 피부. 한국 화장품은 ‘k뷰티’라는 브랜드를 달고 전세계가 주목하는 뷰티 트렌드의 상징으로 자리매김하고 있습니다. 본 직업가치관검사는 당신이 직업을 선택할 때 중요하게 생각하는 가치가 무엇인지를 확인해보는 심리검사입니다. 🔥유즈맵 다운부터 만드는 법, 코드 적용, 추천 맵까지 완벽히 정리했습니다. 다음 중 근로자 작업안전 방법 중 영상의학과 근로자에 대한 설명으로 거리가 먼 것은_

다키 ㅗㅜ ㅑ Pomelo is at its best in the colder months— fresh, bright. 일상생활에 꼭 필요한 최소한의 물건만으로 살아가는 ‘미니멀 라이프’ 트렌드가 합리적인 소비와. 2025년 k뷰티는 더 스마트하고, 친환경적이며, 개인 맞춤형으로 발전할 것 입니다. 자료 global trade atlas 2024. 10년간 꾸준히 업뎃중인 유럽정복 소개합니다안녕하세요 유럽정복을 누구보다 사랑하는 징기스칸이라고 합니다. 눈나눈나

다누리 ㅇㅎ 2000년대에는 일반인은 물론 중소기업에서도 제대로 된 게임 엔진을 만지기란 하늘에 별 따기 수준으로. 실시간 진행 총력전 클리어률 사용률 다 보여주는줄은 몰랐다. 한국에서는 유행이 한 번 시작되면 단기적이면서 매우 넓은 형태로 이루어지는 남다른 면모를 보인다. 유즈는 매 시즌 변하는 트랜드에 자사 브랜드의 creative한 감성을 담아내는 여성 디자이너 브랜드이다. 패션 플랫폼 ‘무신사’에 따르면 최근 30일 지난해 12월 16일올해 1월 14일 사이 스탠리의 판매량은 직전 30일 지난해 11월 16일12월 15일 대비 150% 증가 했다고 해요. 다음 중 연구실 재해의 65% 이상 차지하는 질환은 무엇인가_

단간론파 야짤 패션 플랫폼 ‘무신사’에 따르면 최근 30일 지난해 12월 16일올해 1월 14일 사이 스탠리의 판매량은 직전 30일 지난해 11월 16일12월 15일 대비 150% 증가 했다고 해요. From japan to artisan kitchens yuzu has made its way into the display cases of the most creative desserts. Is yuzu really as good as people say. Z세대 뷰티 트렌드는 과한 단계보다 ‘스키니멀리즘’을 중시하며 멀티유즈 제품 중심으로 변화하고 있습니다. 어울리지 않는 듯한 반대의 조합도 하나로 만들어나가며 그.

뉴진스 sex 블루아카이브제가 자주 쓰는 사이트 네이버 블로그 공략,정보 249개의 글 목록열기. 유즈는 매 시즌 변하는 트랜드에 자사 브랜드의 creative한 감성을 담아내는 여성 디자이너 브랜드이다. 블루 아카이브 일반 유즈 trends 서버 터짐. 블루아카이브제가 자주 쓰는 사이트 네이버 블로그 공략,정보 249개의 글 목록열기. Kr instagram photos and videos.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.