일단 남자 군대+대졸 포함하면 거의20대 5년이상을 제대로된 직업없이 보냄.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이것들이 세대갈라치기하고 인생꽁으로먹으려함. 까딱하면 나이 엄청 먹으니, 준비하면서 여럿 자격증도 띄엄띄엄 취득해두면. Com › board › view20대애들은 보거라 사회경험없는애들 취업 갤러리. 230 내가 저것보다못한데 공부노력 사교육비 학교 1도안다녀서 상관없슴 ㅋㅋ 망했다고생각하기보단 아에 안해서 전혀무관함 공부투자도 똑바로 할놈이나 겨우 본전뽑아먹지 어중간해서는 돈 시간 노력만 다날림 2023.

30살넘어 들어오면 진짜 서러운 직업임 근데 남자 30살 31살이 제일 많음 서러운건 안다 근데 20대때 안쳐다보다가 30대되서 9.

솔직히 20대 남자가 제일 헬인게 팩트임 ㅇㅇ115.

Com › 53792704223년간 방황했다가 32살에 자격증 따서 취업한 디시인 유머움짤이.. Com › mgallery › board20후반 30대인데 뭐하고 살지 막막한 사람봐라 국민취업지원제도 마.. 그래도 써보자면 성적맞춰서 온 대학교, 학과, 관심조차없는 전공수업들로 술만먹고..

반도체만해도 20대 중반에서 다 나이컷임 요즘 Mz들 코로나때 학교 안갔다고 사교성 박살나서 못써먹겠다고 잘 안뽑아서 컷이 올라가긴 했는데 그래도 20대 후반 30초반임 무경력자나 저스펙은 하나도 없음.

20대 남자들이 취업 어려울수밖에 없는게 취업 갤러리, 26살인데 너무 어지럽다 첫 지원넣은 회사 첫면접 떨어지고 멘탈도 지금 살짝 힘들고 오늘은 토를 하루 종일해서 어지럽다, 직장알바사업 잡담 인기글 목록 2024. 30대는 후진국 대한민국에태어나서 개고생하고.

20대후반인데 진짜 뭘해야할지 모르겠다 ㅋㅋ 취갤러124, 20대 후반까지 제대로된 스펙 없으면 제대로된 취업 많이 곤란해짐 현실적으로 이런글써봐야 개꼰대같은소리라고 욕만 먹을거 뻔하긴하지만 옛날 생각나서 걍 함 써봤음 여기 만약 20대 초중반 애들이 있다면 나를 욕하더라도 한번쯤 생각해봤으면 해서, 인생의 길은 다르다고 하지만 바로 취업해도 26살까지는 경력 쌓는데 뭐가 뭔지 모르겠다 그냥, 걍 요즘 20대 남자는 취업이 힘듬 취업 갤러리.

그래서 20대때는 한없이 콧대높은 여자들이 20대 후반만 되도 왜그렇게 한없이 작아지고 남자가 갑이 되는 세상인지 슬슬보이는중.

국내 최대 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드, 아무리 옛날보다 학벌의 중요성이 떨어졌다해도 4년제를 가본거랑 안가본거랑 자존감 및 시야차이가 read more. 일반적으로 20대 얻은 1개의지식 vs 30대 얻은 1개의지식 어느게 효율성과그지식의이용가능성을 대폭 증폭시킬수있는쪽이 누구일까.

귀칼 캐릭터 사진 심지어 취업해보려고 해도 부랴부랴 대학. 왜 요즘 20대 취업이 힘든지 팩트만 알려준다 txt ㅇㅇ115. 자기의 우울한 감정을 털어놓을 곳6으로 우울증 갤러리를 찾는다. 나도 중고신입으로 이직생각중이라 많이 알아보는데사람들마다 기업마다 누구는 20대후반이다 30초반이다 갈림 ㅋㅋ 만나이 없이,사기업 기준 내가 실제로 본 거외국계 반도체장비 대기업 주변얘기,블라보고 얘기해줌 1. 남자분도 호감이 아예 없진 않다는 전제하에 어떠실지 궁금합니다. 그록 연령 설정 pc

김 지금 근황 디시 Com › board › view20대 절대취업포기하면안됨 취업 갤러리. 취준 전, 제 스펙은 대충 이랬습니다. 힛갤러리, 유저이슈 등 인터넷 트렌드 총 집합. 230 내가 저것보다못한데 공부노력 사교육비 학교 1도안다녀서 상관없슴 ㅋㅋ 망했다고생각하기보단 아에 안해서 전혀무관함 공부투자도 똑바로 할놈이나 겨우 본전뽑아먹지 어중간해서는 돈 시간 노력만 다날림 2023. 그만큼 취업경쟁력을 갖추는 것이 중요하다는 것을 말씀드리는 것입니다. 기유 시노부 디시

글로시 asmr 디시 반도체만해도 20대 중반에서 다 나이컷임 요즘 mz들 코로나때 학교 안갔다고 사교성 박살나서 못써먹겠다고 잘 안뽑아서 컷이 올라가긴 했는데 그래도 20대 후반 30초반임 무경력자나 저스펙은 하나도 없음. 27 다른건 모르겠는데 29살이 아니라는 것만 알겠음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 틀딱 쉐리가 어디서 20대 흉내를 내고 자빠졌어 2022. 뭔가 손해본 기분에 폰키고 디시 들어와 586비난글에 좋아요 누르고 애비뻘 세대에게 따끔하게 인생조언 일침놓고 주무심 9. 내가 2015년부터 취업 준비해서 2017년에 취업한 이후로 올해까지 시즌마다 취업시장 보는중인데 진짜 취업시장 개씹헬됨 년마다. 20대후반인데 진짜 뭘해야할지 모르겠다 ㅋㅋ 취갤러124. 김기방 콩콩 팡팡 디시

그록 롤백 더군다나 뇌가 가장 활발한시기가 20대인데. 인생의 길은 다르다고 하지만 바로 취업해도 26살까지는 경력 쌓는데 뭐가 뭔지 모르겠다 그냥. Com › board › view20대애들은 보거라 사회경험없는애들 취업 갤러리. 20대후반인데 진짜 뭘해야할지 모르겠다 ㅋㅋ 취갤러124. Redirecting to sgall.

기묘한이야기 시즌5 디시 Com › board › view20대 현실 취업 갤러리. 자기의 우울한 감정을 털어놓을 곳6으로 우울증 갤러리를 찾는다. 일단 남자 군대+대졸 포함하면 거의20대 5년이상을 제대로된 직업없이 보냄게다가 취준까지 포함하면 ㅇㅇ심지어 취업해보려고 해도 부랴부랴 대학나오고 작겨증 따면 뭐하냐30 40 경력자들이 이미 취업시장 전부 가로채간 상. 베댓보고 쓴다 남자 20대 인생 설계 이렇게해라. Com › mgallery › board20후반 30대인데 뭐하고 살지 막막한 사람봐라 국민취업지원제도 마.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.