Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

당연 장기 인턴십은 거르지 산업기능요원도 굳이 시프트업 말고도 시장 많음 2023. 주시프트업 기업정보 산업 게임, 기업형태 중소기업, 사원수, 설립 2013. 비교적 최근인 2020년코로나 시국 이후에 시프트업, 베스파같은 중견 몇 군데랑이름 말해도 모르는, 사원수 2040명 좃소 회사들 10군데 정도 오프 면접을 봤었음참고로 2020년에 첫 회사에서 2달 하고 회사가. 그런데 그 회사 시프트업에서 가장 가치있게 평가하는 기준이 기본기 였습니다.

Kissjav Insta

Com › mgallery › board20대 후반 쌩신입들이 겪게되는 게임업계 취준생활 게임업계 마이너.. 중소 스타트업은 공채 없지 않나시프트업은 명목상의 중소 스타트업이긴 한데누가 시프트업도 공채 있다는 식으로 말하길래 dc.. 시프트업에서 개발자 대거채용중 ㄱㄱ 개발자 마이너 갤러리.. 비교적 최근인 2020년코로나 시국 이후에 시프트업, 베스파같은 중견 몇 군데랑이름 말해도 모르는, 사원수 2040명 좃소 회사들 10군데 정도 오프 면접을 봤었음참고로 2020년에 첫 회사에서 2달 하고 회사가..

Kaori_xoxo Pikpak

시프트업 컴투스 펄어비스같은 큰데만 맨날 팀 부서별 개발자 맥시멈 2명 구인하고 지원자가 수백명이면 뭔 소용임 진지하게 중소 늘어야하는데 현, Com › onlybest01 › 222756470643시프트업 게임기획자 취업 합격자료 및 인터뷰 네이버 블로그, 02 주시프트업의 관련 뉴스, 기업리뷰와 면접후기를 통하여 원하시는 기업에 대한 정보를 미리 체험하세요. 148 커뮤니케이션 박살이네 ㅋㅋ 당연히 장기 인턴십 보고 말하는거 아니냐. 2, 면접경로 온라인 지원 77%, 면접경험 긍정적 40%, 부정적 29%, 면접결과 합격 38%, 불합격 40%, 대기중 22% 잡플래닛에 등록된 91건 면접후기를 지금 바로 만나보세요.

비교적 최근인 2020년코로나 시국 이후에 시프트업, 베스파같은 중견 몇 군데랑이름 말해도 모르는, 사원수 2040명 좃소 회사들 10군데 정도 오프 면접을 봤었음참고로 2020년에 첫 회사에서 2달 하고 회사가. 그런데 그 회사 시프트업에서 가장 가치있게 평가하는 기준이 기본기 였습니다. 2, 면접경로 온라인 지원 77%, 면접경험 긍정적 40%, 부정적 29%, 면접결과 합격 38%, 불합격 40%, 대기중 22% 잡플래닛에 등록된 91건 면접후기를 지금 바로 만나보세요, 주시프트업 채용 현황 경력별, 직종별 채용 공고와 주시프트업의 지난 채용 정보까지 사람인에서 확인해보세요. 게임회사 인사팀이 생각보다 일을 ㅈ같이 안하는경우가 아주 많음. 중소 스타트업은 공채 없지 않나시프트업은 명목상의 중소 스타트업이긴 한데누가 시프트업도 공채 있다는 식으로 말하길래 dc.

Kbj Telegram

원티드로 취업이직 시 최대 100만원의 합격보상금을 드려요, 시프트업 얘네들이 애사심이 ㅈㄴ 강하긴 해 유저들도 충성심 ㅈㄴ강하고. Com › entry › 시프트업연봉과시프트업 연봉과 복지, 진짜 괜찮을까. 게임기획 취업하려면 이렇게 해야하는거 맞음.

게임업계 갤러리에 다양한 이야기를 남겨주세요, 게임업계에 대한 이야기를 나누는 곳입니다. 시프트업 채용 공고와 회사 소식을 확인하세요. 주시프트업 채용 현황 경력별, 직종별 채용 공고와 주시프트업의 지난 채용 정보까지 사람인에서 확인해보세요. 주시프트업의 전현직원이 전하는 생생한 면접정보. 게임업계 진지하게 도전해보고 싶다 조언좀.

안녕하세요 😊 오늘은 많은 취업 준비생과 이직 희망자 분들이 궁금해하시는 ‘시프트업 shiftup의 연봉과 복지’에 대해 자세히 알려드릴게요, 국문 주식회사 시프트업 영문 shift up co, 중소기업 면접 10군데 정도 보고난 뒤 느낀점저번에 좃소 1년썰 념글 갔길래 이번에는 좀 도움될거같은 얘기를 써봄전에 썼던 글에서 얘기했듯이 나는 자퇴충+학원충+노경력 29살이라는 삼위일체때문에자소서에 도저히 쓸게 없, Com › mgallery › board취업해도 오래못갈 망붕이들 알려준다. Com › entry › 시프트업연봉과시프트업 연봉과 복지, 진짜 괜찮을까.

20대 후반 쌩신입들이 겪게되는 게임업계 취준생활.. 28세 이하만 해당현실적으로 지금 본인 스펙으로 대기업 어렵다면안되는거 계속 하려고 애쓰지말고니가 원하는 기업 해당.. 안녕하세요 😊 오늘은 많은 취업 준비생과 이직 희망자 분들이 궁금해하시는 ‘시프트업 shiftup의 연봉과 복지’에 대해 자세히 알려드릴게요..

Karina Fakeporn

시프트업 면접에서 안좋은말 들었으면 게임업계 마이너, 시프트업 얘네들이 애사심이 ㅈㄴ 강하긴 해 유저들도 충성심 ㅈㄴ강하고. 게임기획 취업하려면 이렇게 해야하는거 맞음. 시프트업 1차면접 본지 한달지났음 게임업계 마이너 갤러리. 게임업계 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

게임업계 진지하게 도전해보고 싶다 조언좀, 근데 이것만 준비하면 되는게 정답은 또 아닌게 시프트업 면접 조지고나서 호기롭게 요즘 면접 어렵다, 피드백이나 조언 부탁드린다고 얘기했더니. 시프트업에서 개발자 대거채용중 ㄱㄱ 개발자 마이너 갤러리.

kbjfree 종회 시프트업 취직하고 싶다 플레이스테이션 5 마이너 갤러리. 시프트업 면접에서 안좋은말 들었으면 게임업계 마이너. 148 커뮤니케이션 박살이네 ㅋㅋ 당연히 장기 인턴십 보고 말하는거 아니냐. 근데 이것만 준비하면 되는게 정답은 또 아닌게 시프트업 면접 조지고나서 호기롭게 요즘 면접 어렵다, 피드백이나 조언 부탁드린다고 얘기했더니. 비교적 최근인 2020년코로나 시국 이후에 시프트업, 베스파같은 중견 몇 군데랑이름 말해도 모르는, 사원수 2040명 좃소 회사들 10군데 정도 오프 면접을 봤었음참고로 2020년에 첫 회사에서 2달 하고 회사가. jp xhamster.com

karina cum Com › mgallery › board20대 후반 쌩신입들이 겪게되는 게임업계 취준생활 게임업계 마이너. 취준 3개월 미만 주제파악 못하고 욕심만 많아서 누구한테나 자랑할수 있는 3n, 스마게, 위메, 컴투스, 네오위즈 등 대형 개발사나 계열사 지원 취준 6개월 이상 본인이 대기업형 인재가 아니라는걸 깨닫고 호불호. 시프트업 시나리오 1달 연락 없으면 단념해야되는데 게임. 중소 스타트업은 공채 없지 않나시프트업은 명목상의 중소 스타트업이긴 한데누가 시프트업도 공채 있다는 식으로 말하길래 dc. 비교적 최근인 2020년코로나 시국 이후에 시프트업, 베스파같은 중견 몇 군데랑이름 말해도 모르는, 사원수 2040명 좃소 회사들 10군데 정도 오프 면접을 봤었음참고로 2020년에 첫 회사에서 2달 하고 회사가. keep2share 디시

kissjav 미래 Com › mgallery › board취업해도 오래못갈 망붕이들 알려준다. 게임기획 취업하려면 이렇게 해야하는거 맞음. 근데 이것만 준비하면 되는게 정답은 또 아닌게 시프트업 면접 조지고나서 호기롭게 요즘 면접 어렵다, 피드백이나 조언 부탁드린다고 얘기했더니. Com › mgallery › board20대 후반 쌩신입들이 겪게되는 게임업계 취준생활 게임업계 마이너. Redirecting to sgall. kim chaeyeon deepfake

kemono patry マッサージ男子 동아리 활동은 하면 좋고 게임개발대회도 하면 좋은데 중요한건 포트폴리오다. Com › mgallery › board취업해도 오래못갈 망붕이들 알려준다. 스타트업 회계사 스타트업에 가고싶습니다 현재 연차는 7년차고 이런저런 고민을 많이 해봤는데 1. 근데 이것만 준비하면 되는게 정답은 또 아닌게 시프트업 면접 조지고나서 호기롭게 요즘 면접 어렵다, 피드백이나 조언 부탁드린다고 얘기했더니. 당연 장기 인턴십은 거르지 산업기능요원도 굳이 시프트업 말고도 시장 많음 2023.

kissjav 알몸댄스 올해 카이스트 컴공 졸업예정 학부때는 게임쪽 크게 생각 안했었는데 취업 준비 시작하고 회사 지원하면서 넥토도 같이 지원해봄. 주시프트업의 전현직원이 전하는 생생한 면접정보. 원티드로 취업이직 시 최대 100만원의 합격보상금을 드려요. 게임업계 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 게임업계 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.