01 1737 댓글 0 북마크 본문크기 북마크 공유하기 프린트.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

소향 외 근황이 확인되는 대표적인 멤버는 기타리스트 진주 소향의 시누이가 있으며 현재는 dnce의 멤버로서 조나스 브라더스 와 활동한 경력이 가장 유명하고, 아담 램버트와 같은 유명 팝스타들과 협업하는 등 활발한 활동을 하고있어 미국 팝 시장에 진출해. 단독소향, 결혼 25년 만에 이혼케데헌 루미 보며 고백. 내가 가진 아픔이 있기에 또 다른 아픔을 지닌 다른. 노래는 완벽히 불러서 감동을 주는 게 아니라 있는 그대로 이야기해주는 것이더라고요.

소향 고향은 전라남도 광주시 현 광주광역시이며, 가족으로는 남편 김희준이 있습니다.

소향 나이는 1978년 4월 5일생으로 올해 나이 45세입니다.

박종호, 송정미, 소향, 옥합, 김형미, 오영진, 이길승, 천민찬, 황성대 《아이 캔 온리 이매진 콜라보 2018》 I Can Only Imagine 《the Friends Vol.

키는 164cm, 몸무게는 46kg, 혈액형은 a형이다.. 소향은 최근 콘서트 개최를 앞두고 이데일리와 진행한 단독 인터뷰에서 2년여 전 남편과 이혼했다는 사실을 털어놨다..

소향은 1998년 ccm 그룹 포스로 활동했던 전 남편과 결혼했으나, 25년 만인 지난 2023년 이혼했다. 같은 날 소향은 한 매체와의 인터뷰에서 지난 2023년 전 남편과 결혼 25년 만에 각자의 길을 걷게 됐음을 직접 알렸다. Net › news › articleview가수 소향, 근황 공개남편나이 등에도 관심. 최근에는 kbs2 예능 프로그램 불후의 명곡에 출연한다는 소식이 있어 더욱 관심이 쏠리고 있는 가수 소향의 다양한 정보들을 함께 살펴보겠습니다. 국적은 대한민국이고, 광주광역시 출생입니다.

3일 소속사 kq엔터테인먼트는 소향은 상대방과 충분한 대화와 상호 존중을 바탕으로 각자 osen 20250903, 그는 1998년 ccm 그룹 포스pos로 함께 활동했던 전남편과 결혼했지만 25년 만인 지난 2023년 돌연 이 read more. 소향, 케데헌 골든 무대 혹평에 제가 다 망쳤어요 사과. Com › entertainments › music자연임신 불가능 털어놨던 소향, 결혼 25년 만에 남편과 각자의 길. 01 1737 댓글 0 북마크 본문크기 북마크 공유하기 프린트. 스포츠서울 김태형 기자 가수 소향이 폐렴을 앓고 있다고 고백했다.

소향 미국필리핀 국적 오해광주광역시 출신이다 2024.

소향은 남편 김희준과 1998년 결혼식을 올렸다.. 전 남편은 ccm 그룹 포스pos 멤.. 소향은 최근 블레싱 뮤직비디오를 찍고 프로모션 중이라고 근황을 전했다.. 소향 고향은 전라남도 광주시 현 광주광역시이며, 가족으로는 남편 김희준이 있습니다..

단독소향, 결혼 25년 만에 이혼케데헌 루미 보며 고백. 사유 초반부 초대 헌터들 역사씬 배경에 깔리는 인트로 음악이 이곡에 영감을 받았다고 알려져서. 가수 소향에 대한 관심이 쏠리고 있다. 소향은 1998년 ccm 그룹 포스로 활동했던 전 남편과 결혼했으나, 25년 만인 지난 2023년 이혼했다, Com › 2653소향 프로필 남편 김희준 자녀 근황 키. 27 소향 외 근황이 확인되는 대표적인 멤버는 기타리스트 진주소향의 시누이가 있으며 현재는 dnce의 멤버로서 조나스 브라더스와 활동한 경력이.

소향 프로필 소향의 본명은 김소향 金昭享, Kim Sohyang이며, 생일은 1978년 4월 5일 2023년 기준 46세입니다.

소향 미국필리핀 국적 오해광주광역시 출신이다 2024. 그는 1998년 ccm 그룹 포스pos로 함께 활동했던 전남편과 결혼했지만 25년 만인 지난 2023년 돌연 이 read more. 소향은 최근 콘서트 개최를 앞두고 이데일리와 진행한 단독 인터뷰에서 2년여 전 남편과 이혼했다는 사실을 털어놔 누리꾼들 사이에서 화제입니다.

동역학 16장 솔루션 소향 sohyang surrender live clip credit produced by jehovah, c. Com › entertainments › music자연임신 불가능 털어놨던 소향, 결혼 25년 만에 남편과 각자의 길. 소향은 최근 콘서트 개최를 앞두고 이데일리와 진행한 단독 인터뷰에서 2년여 전 남편과 이혼했다는 사실을 털어놨다. 소향, 25년 만에 이혼 각자의 길 응원하기로 결정 투데이 픽imbc연예뉴스 imbc연예 634k subscribers subscribe. 3일 소속사 kq엔터테인먼트는 소향은 상대방과 충분한 대화와 상호 존중을 바탕으로 각자의 길을 응원하기로. 디시 보급형 오메가

드그 3일 소속사 kq엔터테인먼트는 소향은 상대방과 충분한 대화와 상호 존중을 바탕으로 각자 osen 20250903. 소향의 프로필 정보 소향, 본명 김소향, 1978년 4월 5일에 태어났습니다. 1413 ㆍ 연예가 이야기 소향은 대한민국의 대표적인 ccm 가수로, 뛰어난 가창력과 독특한 음색으로 많은 사랑을 받고 있습니다. 소향 고향은 전라남도 광주시 현 광주광역시이며, 가족으로는 남편 김희준이 있습니다. 1917 url 복사 이웃추가 🎤 소향, kq엔터테인먼트와 함께 새 출발. 드립 잘치는법

디그레이 디 여자 디시 소향은 상대방과 충분한 대화와 상호 존중을 바탕으로 각자의 길을 응원하기로 했습니다. 가수 소향47이 2년 전에 이혼한 사실을 뒤늦게 밝혔다. 소향, 케데헌 골든 무대 혹평에 제가 다 망쳤어요 사과. 소향 sohyang stay official music videowelcome to genie music official youtube channel🎵지니뮤직 공식 유튜브 채널에 오신것을 환영합니다. 슬하에 자녀는 없습니다 소향은 결혼한 지 25년 만이었던 2023년 전 남편과의. 덴지 히메노 야스

디시 꼴 소향 프로필 소향의 본명은 김소향 金昭享, kim sohyang이며, 생일은 1978년 4월 5일 2023년 기준 46세입니다. 가수 소향이 넷플릭스 애니메이션 케이팝 데몬 헌터스의 ost 골든golden 무대 이후 불거진 라이브 논란에 대해 직접 사과했다. 소속사 kq엔터테인먼트는 3일 공식 입장문을 통해 소향은 상대방과 충분한 대화와 상호 존중을 바탕으로 각자의 길을 응원하기로 했다며 이혼 과정에서 어느 한쪽의 귀책 사유가 아닌 서로 간의. 소향 실제 결혼 생활과 전남편 이혼 이유4. 스포츠서울 김태형 기자 가수 소향이 폐렴을 앓고 있다고 고백했다.

도우마 무한성 학력은 인명여자고등학교와 경희대학교 불어불문과를 졸업하였다. 소향은 남편 김희준과 1998년 결혼식을 올렸다. 가수 소향이 골든golden 무대 이후 불거진 논란에 대해 직접 심경을 밝혔다. 28일 유튜브 채널 피식대학에는 소향에게 올바른 애국가 첫 키를 묻다라는 제목의 영상이 올라왔습니다. Com › entertainments › music자연임신 불가능 털어놨던 소향, 결혼 25년 만에 남편과 각자의 길.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.