Com › entry › 디시고양이디시 고양이 디시인사이드의 고양이 밈 문화 총정리.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

톨 고양이 안 키워서 그런 것 같은데 보통 그런 짤에서 때리는 건 진심으로 때리는 게 아닌 경우가 많음. 고양이 동호회에서도 그를 언급하며 화제가 되었다. 2024년 8월 12일 영상에 등장하여 소리마치 코지로와 격돌한다. 26 195002 조회 32743 추천 246 댓글 335 1 이미지 순서 on.

내 친구새끼네 고양이 성격 개더러운데 ㅋㅋ 그게 고양이의 매력이라면서 깝치다가 고양이 안고있을때 고양이가 발톱세워서 눈 할퀴는 바람에 각막인가 어디 흠집나고 병원치료받음 8 축구도사티아고 2024.

고양이는 19세기 후반 이후 인간에 의해 품종이.. 싱글벙글 죽기전에 반드시 키우던 고양이 정리해야되는 이유 ㅇㅇ222.. 야옹이 갤러리는 원래 고양이를 키우는 사람들이 모인 곳으로 식물갤러리와 크게 다르지 않은 고양이 관련 친목 갤러리였음 지금은 캣맘혐오여성혐오로 가득한 동물학대 갤러리로변한지 오래됐고디시 내부에서도 문제를 인지하고 올라오는 글의 60% 이상은 직원을 통해 삭제되고 있음 주의잔인한.. 27 181502 조회 24046 추천 269 댓글 329 대단하다 진짜 ㅋㅋ..

209 고양이 데려다가 요즘 보빨용 딜도를 쓴다더라 고양이들 요즘 병걸려서 ㅈㄴ 빨리 죽는게 여자들이 보빨 너무 시켜서 성병걸림 2022.

묘심 고양이 스텐 알루미늄 삽 큰건 장점이지만 무겁고 화장실에 기스가 너무 남.. 내 친구새끼네 고양이 성격 개더러운데 ㅋㅋ 그게 고양이의 매력이라면서 깝치다가 고양이 안고있을때 고양이가 발톱세워서 눈 할퀴는 바람에 각막..

그리고 고양이는 니 애미가 니 기저귀 갈아줘야 하는 나이때부터 지 알아서 분뇨 잘 가리니 니 똥오줌이나 잘 처리하면 된다, 집 이미지 고양이 싸가지 교육을 어떻게 해야 될지 모르겠음, 우리집 고양이 진짜 씨발새끼엿는데 5살먹으니 갑자기 개가되서 슈퍼가도 따라오고 퇴근하면 개도 무시하는데 유일하게 인사나오는놈임, 유머 싸가지 없음 레전드 찍은 고양이 춘봉 첨지 14,823 23 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 당근에서 고양이 물품 중고거래시 병력이력 꼭확인해 허피스나 칼리시 옮으면 골치아픔 그리고 소독용 알콜 싸니까 중고물품이나 고양이 장난감 가끔씩 소독해줘, 26 195002 조회 32743 추천 246 댓글 335 1 이미지 순서 on.

23 개씨발하타치새끼들 어디가서 목소리도 못낼 새끼들이 집구석에서 지가 키우는 고양이 학대하고 자랑이랍시고 올리고 자빠졌네 저런새끼들은 하루에 100번은 쳐패야됨 그래야 정신차리지 댓글 전체보기 맨위로.

싸가지없는뇬 턱시도고양이 미니 갤러리, 집 이미지 고양이 싸가지 교육을 어떻게 해야 될지 모르겠음. 내 친구새끼네 고양이 성격 개더러운데 ㅋㅋ 그게 고양이의 매력이라면서 깝치다가 고양이 안고있을때 고양이가 발톱세워서 눈 할퀴는 바람에 각막.

ㅔㅐㅏㅑ ㄱㄷ 고양이 5마리 때문에 사람아기 포기하고 이혼함 ㅇㅇ106. 개어이없네 진짜 애미가 뭐먹는데 똥꼬를 들이미는게 말이냐. 고독을 즐기고 지능이 높으면 고양이 좋아함. Com › board › view싱글벙글 죽기전에 반드시 키우던 고양이 정리해야되는 이유 실시간. 고양이 발정기에는 암,수 고양이 모두 신경이 곤두서고 큰, 남자가 여자친구의 배란기를 알고 있다면 둘 사이의 진도를 나가는데 큰 도움이 될 수. 足拍pikpak

秀妍 蘇然 대한민국에서는 품종 및 서식하는 위치에 따라 길고양이와 집고양이로 구분된다. Net › square › 3056758500더쿠 내가 키우는 고양이 존나 싸가지 없어. 집고양이썰 진짜 싸가지없는거 맞다니까. 그 머릿속에 있는 모든 지식을 뱉어내게 되면. 27 181502 조회 24046 추천 269 댓글 329 대단하다 진짜 ㅋㅋ. 宝塚 男性ファン

가요이 보지 싸가지없는뇬 턱시도고양이 미니 갤러리. 싸가지 없는 새끼라는 표현을 썼던 경우로서, 피고인들이 현실에서 여러 사람이 있는 공개된 자리에서 욕설을 한 이 사건과는 사안을 달리 하므로 이. 고양이는 19세기 후반 이후 인간에 의해 품종이. 어릴 때 데러온 고양이 15년 키우고 보냈는데, 난 나름의 감정적 교감을 했다고 믿음. ㄱㄷ 고양이 5마리 때문에 사람아기 포기하고 이혼함 ㅇㅇ106. 制服少女に踏まれたい！

至高”のおっぱいを持つ『あの_』がついにハメ撮り解禁！ 露出しようと駅に行ったらムラムラが止まらなくて、トイレに連れ込みたわわなおっぱいの乳搾り、イラマ、パイズリ。最後は立ちバックで声を我慢しながら 26 195002 조회 32743 추천 246 댓글 335 1 이미지 순서 on. 35 인싸, 인맥관리에 가치를 두는 사람은 개 좋아함. 따효니 백상현은 한국 내에서, 그리고 외국에서도 유명한 하스스톤 선수였다. 그 다음으로 각자의 성격도 영향을 미친다. 개어이없네 진짜 애미가 뭐먹는데 똥꼬를 들이미는게 말이냐.

女刑事涼子 肉体の裁き 고독을 즐기고 지능이 높으면 고양이 좋아함. 집고양이썰 진짜 싸가지없는거 맞다니까. 그 다음으로 각자의 성격도 영향을 미친다. 지적인 인간은 고양이 좋아한다는건 정설임. 우리집 고양이 진짜 씨발새끼엿는데 5살먹으니 갑자기 개가되서 슈퍼가도 따라오고 퇴근하면 개도 무시하는데 유일하게 인사나오는놈임.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.