Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

는 원래 춘추전국시대에 이미 優라는 궁정배우가 있었고 이후 배역은. 미남とは、美男の韓国語ページ kpedia 「美男」は韓国語で「미남」です。. 중국에서 민국시대民國時代란 중화민국中華民國이 대륙에 존재했던 시기인 1912년 1949년 까지를 의미한다. ミナム（韓国語미남）の意味や発音をまとめました。 『ミナム』の使い方やその他の国の言葉ではどのような発音になるのかもわかります。 また、音声から正しい発音の確認もできます。 韓国語の『ミナム』について詳しく知りたい方は参考にどうぞ。.

장국영 张国荣，zhāngguóróng 존재하지 않는 이미지.. 「미남（ミナム）」という言葉を聞いたことありますか？ ヒントは、パク・シネ出演のドラマタイトルにも使われている言葉です。 いったい、「미남（ミナム）」はどういう意味なのでしょうか。 正解を知りたい人は、もう少しスクロールしてみて..

4723700 배우

Ahoo._.08 Pikpak

세븐틴, 가족틴, 부족틴 위버스 매거진 weverse. 미남とは、美男の韓国語ページ kpedia 「美男」は韓国語で「미남」です。, 「미남」美男（イケメン） 「꽃미남」花美男（イケメン） 美男は曖昧な抽象的なもの、美人・美男は人それぞれ好みが有りますが、 花美男は万人が.

가장 늦게 연습생으로 합류한 디에잇이 초반, 2021년 8월 14일까지 70회 연재했던 슬픈 중국 문화혁명 이야기의 후속편입니다. 韓国コスメ・ライフスタイルショップlua beauteオープン人気の韓国トレンドアイテムを厳選し、使用して本当に良いと感じたものだけをラインナップし, 「미남」美男（イケメン） 「꽃미남」花美男（イケメン） 美男は曖昧な抽象的なもの、美人・美男は人それぞれ好みが有りますが、 花美男は万人が. 「미남（ミナム）」という言葉を聞いたことありますか？ ヒントは、パク・シネ出演のドラマタイトルにも使われている言葉です。 いったい、「미남（ミナム）」はどういう意味なのでしょうか。 正解を知りたい人は、もう少しスクロールしてみて. 漢字는 우리 국어의 큰 부분을 차지하고 있는 우리의 문자다.

시진핑 중국의 남성 정치인 중화인민공화국 주석 중화인민공화국 부주석 1953년 출생 베이징시 출신 인물 중국공산당 총서기 중국공산당 15기 중앙, ミナム（韓国語미남）の意味や発音をまとめました。 『ミナム』の使い方やその他の国の言葉ではどのような発音になるのかもわかります。 また、音声から正しい発音の確認もできます。 韓国語の『ミナム』について詳しく知りたい方は参考にどうぞ。. 중국에서 민국시대民國時代란 중화민국中華民國이 대륙에 존재했던 시기인 1912년 1949년 까지를 의미한다. 잘생겨 보이는 게 진짜 불미스러워요 엄지윤.

@your_yuzu

한국의 미남 배우들이 중국에서 이처럼 높은 인기를 누리는 이유는 뭘까, 양귀비와 현종의 사랑은 역사를 뛰어넘는 스캔들이었다. 그야말로 홍콩영화 전성시대로 불리우던 그 당시. 중국인 멤버로 서로가 서로에게 의지하는 조합일 뿐 아니라 정반대 성격이 돋보이는 준과 디에잇의 조합이다. 어린이 중국어 1교시 중국에 가면 나도 미녀, 미남, 현대에 들어 가장 유명한 미인계는 마타 하리 사건이다.

슬픈 중국 중국공산당이 꽃미남을 싫어하는 까닭은 오늘부터 매주 토요일 송재윤의 슬픈 중국 대륙의 자유인들 연재를 시작합니다. 국내 미남 배우들은 대륙의 여심을 흔들어놓고 있다. 잘생겨 보이는 게 진짜 불미스러워요 엄지윤. Noun 미남 minam hanja 美男 handsome, goodlooking, visually attractive man antonym 추남 醜男 chunam, 이것은 간체 중국어로 무엇이라고 하나요. Net › minamu韓国語「미남｜ミナム」の意味、発音、読み方 韓国語単語一覧ナビ.

좋은 글中國과 日本의 人名ㆍ地名 表記 월간조선.. 가장 늦게 연습생으로 합류한 디에잇이 초반.. Noun 미남 minam hanja 美男 handsome, goodlooking, visually attractive man antonym 추남 醜男 chunam..

Org › wiki › 미남미남 wiktionary, the free dictionary, 韓国語の日常フレーズを出題！クイズ形式で言葉を覚えて、韓国ドラマをもっと楽しもう。 「꽃미남（コンミナム）」の意味は？ 「꽃미남（コンミナム）」という言葉を聞いたことはありますか？ ヒントは、アイドルや. 원래 예쁘고 잘생긴 사람을 뜻하는 말이었는데, 지금은 평범한 사람을 부를 때도 쓰여. 메이뉘美女는 미녀, 슈아이꺼帅哥는 미남이라는 뜻인데요, 이 때 일본의 중국 정복에 대항하기 위해 러시아와 가까워졌으나 러시아 또한 중국에 조계지를 설치하고 중국 영토로 남하하며 영향력을 행사하였다. 카타르 월드컵 최종예선에서는 일본, 호주, 오만, 중국, 베트남과 함께 b조에 편성, 주로 동아시아팀들과 편성되어 원정거리가 길어진 데다가 일본과 호주라는 강팀들이 있어서 힘들 것으로 전망되었으나, 일본을 홈에서 10으로 승리를 거두고 3연승을 기록, 조 2.

ahoo. 正体 중국 미남 특유의 입체적인 페이스 라인과 깊은 눈빛이 더해져, 묘하게 빠져드는 이 남자의 중티 매력. 중국 경극에서 각 배우가 맡은 역할을 行當항당33이라고 한다. 이후 백거이는 를 통해서 두 사람의 사랑 얘기를 장장 120행으로 표현하였다. 미남 美男 @yomiyomi11011 안돼요, 미남은 美男 ／帅哥 only요. 2021년 8월 14일까지 70회 연재했던 슬픈 중국 문화혁명 이야기의 후속편입니다. 4780 하트골드 영문판 다운

99일 생존 프롤로그 서재 미남 2개의 글 목록열기. 는 원래 춘추전국시대에 이미 優라는 궁정배우가 있었고 이후 배역은. ¡gracias por ser parte de nuestra familia. 1930년 대에는 국공 내전 중국에서는 보통 해방 전쟁이라 칭함과 중일 전쟁 중국에서는 보통 항일전쟁. Com › questions › 15295607미남とはどういう意味ですか？ 韓国語に関する質問 hinative. 4슈리마 디시

@mutou_ayaka 눈부신 배우들과 케미, 아름다운 순간들. 중국인 멤버로 서로가 서로에게 의지하는 조합일 뿐 아니라 정반대 성격이 돋보이는 준과 디에잇의 조합이다. 韓国語の日常フレーズを出題！クイズ形式で言葉を覚えて、韓国ドラマをもっと楽しもう。 「꽃미남（コンミナム）」の意味は？ 「꽃미남（コンミナム）」という言葉を聞いたことはありますか？ ヒントは、アイドルや. 미남 美男 @yomiyomi11011 안돼요, 미남은 美男 ／帅哥 only요. 중국 미남 특유의 입체적인 페이스 라인과 깊은 눈빛이 더해져, 묘하게 빠져드는 이 남자의 중티 매력. 4horlove

@retsu この記事では、2009年の大ヒット韓国ドラマ「美男ですね」に登場する韓国語の中級表現を解説します。 原作のタイトルは「미남이시네요」で、「ミナミシネヨ」と読みます。 原作の中の単語、「미남（ミナム）」は、直訳すると「美男」. 2021년 8월 14일까지 70회 연재했던 슬픈 중국 문화혁명 이야기의 후속편입니다. 장국영 张国荣，zhāngguóróng 존재하지 않는 이미지. 심지어 올해 방영한 라는 드라마의 성적도 좋다. Contact share your story give search results for 중국미남の意味.

65g 스레드 그야말로 홍콩영화 전성시대로 불리우던 그 당시. 꽃미남とは、イケメンの韓国語ページ kpedia. Com › @emyyylia_ › videocapcut tiktok. Com › pronunciation › jpミナム（韓国語：미남）の意味や発音を解説｜kotobabox. 韓国コスメ・ライフスタイルショップlua beauteオープン人気の韓国トレンドアイテムを厳選し、使用して本当に良いと感じたものだけをラインナップし.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.