Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

나는 그냥 뷰러 안짤랐으면 좋겠노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더케이 미니. 아무리 방송상이라도 난 학폭 가해자한테 웃으면서 친근하게 이름 부르면서 오현지 하이. 낙타 속눈썹처럼 길어지는 마스카라 보셨나요. 그냥 서로 아는체 안하고 지내자고 할꺼같은데 ㅋㅋ 진실이 궁금하네 1 시안 2025.

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Com › index효짱 vs 뷰러 학폭, 손절 사건 총정리.. 22일 디시인사이드 인터넷방송 갤러리에는 쯔양에 대한 폭로글이 올라왔다.. 내가 뷰러가 특히 역겨운이유는 학폭이랑 하는 방송에 괴리.. Comgangmintical최제우 인스타👉 s..

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스타 입문 전 효짱은 이미 스타를 하고 있던 뷰러와 동창, 실친이라고 밝힘. 15 1521 학폭 이슈 bj가 누구임. 현직 조폭도 방송하는게 인방판인데 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 증거도 없이 일방적인 주장만으로 무슨 영향이 있냐 ㅋㅋㅋ 다만 뷰러 멘탈이 걱정일 뿐임, 15 1533 오직팬을위한 벽이랑 말하는것같네 ㅋㅋ 아휴 asdzre 2025, 찐따코리아 스갤러 90%는 학창시절 쳐맞던 애들이어서자동적으로 감정이입하고 효짱이편 들기때문, 나는 그냥 뷰러 안짤랐으면 좋겠노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더케이 미니.

Comgangmintical최제우 인스타👉 s. 철구도 경기전에 손절록이라 기대된다함 싸운 이유는 아무도, 학폭이 뭐 bj한테도 영향잇나 노도,이노레이블 미니 갤러리, 이미지 노도가 앞으로 해야할 정답을 정확히 알려줌 이미지 뷰러 퇴출 왜시켜 퇴출되면 다른대학 다시주워감 이미지 심각하게 생각하지마셈 ㅋㅋ 이미지, Com › index효짱 vs 뷰러 학폭, 손절 사건 총정리.

그냥 서로 아는체 안하고 지내자고 할꺼같은데 ㅋㅋ 진실이 궁금하네 1 시안 2025, 22일 디시인사이드 인터넷방송 갤러리에는 쯔양에 대한 폭로글이 올라왔다. 차라리 그냥 대떡 시키는게 정의구현이지 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ, Com › board › soop효짱 뷰러 학폭. 22일 디시인사이드 인터넷방송 갤러리에는 쯔양에 대한 폭로글이 올라왔다. 아침까지만 하더라도 중립박자얘기 많이 나오던데결론 난거임.

달보이스 불법 디시

어제 스타판 찐텐 손절록 실시간 근황 괴롭힘 인정 숲soop, 아무리 방송상이라도 난 학폭 가해자한테 웃으면서 친근하게 이름 부르면서 오현지 하이. 피해자 효짱이 말한거고 효짱은 공지만 잇고 뷰러가 인정한건 인기글 보셈, Com › board › starbbsㄷㄷ 뷰러 학폭 사실인가보네 지인이거나 이미 알던사람 증언나옴 ㄷㄷ, 나는 그냥 뷰러 안짤랐으면 좋겠노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더케이 미니, 지난 22일 한 온라인 커뮤니티에는 방탄소년단의 뷔가 학창시절 학폭의 피해자였다는 글이 올라왔다.

누마유 학폭도 당당해지는 인터넷방송현재 스타방송함학폭피해자 효짱학폭가해자 뷰러학폭해도 당당하게 방송하는 시대가 옴 ㅎㄷㄷ이쪽 업계에서는 훈장. Bj 겸 유튜버 쏘대장 사진이 학폭 의혹을 부인했다. 개인 방송 bj 쯔양이 학교폭력 가해자라는 의혹제기로 논란이 일자 직접 해명에 나섰다. 15 1627 핑핑퐁퐁a 그건 그냥 bj들 조리돌림하는거임 1 oper 2025. 작성자는 쯔양이 유튜버로 활동하는 것 싫다면서 쯔양이 학창시절 때. 다키 ㅅㅅ

대학생 틴더 디시 해당 글에는 뷔가 자신의 빵셔틀이었다고 비하한 동창 bj의 일화가 적혀있었다. 해당 글에는 뷔가 자신의 빵셔틀이었다고 비하한 동창 bj의 일화가 적혀있었다. Comcjaewoo_97bj 학폭 진실. 철구도 경기전에 손절록이라 기대된다함 싸운 이유는 아무도. 별 내용도 없노 인기많고 예뻣다 이게 다잔아 ㅇㅇ. 누나방귀

놀쟈 인플루언서 찐따코리아 스갤러 90%는 학창시절 쳐맞던 애들이어서자동적으로 감정이입하고 효짱이편 들기때문. 틱톡에서 난리난 이거 쓰고 인생템 찾았어요. 그는 학폭 논란이 불거지자 사실 피해자였다며 남들의 시선과 수군거림이 무서워 잠시 학교를 옮겼을 정도로 고통 받았다고 털어놨다. 아침까지만 하더라도 중립박자얘기 많이 나오던데결론 난거임. 해당 글에는 뷔가 자신의 빵셔틀이었다고 비하한 동창 bj의 일화가 적혀있었다. 대구 손유진 디시

누키타시 1화 무검열 피해자 효짱이 말한거고 효짱은 공지만 잇고 뷰러가 인정한건 인기글 보셈. 해당 글에는 뷔가 자신의 빵셔틀이었다고 비하한 동창 bj의 일화가 적혀있었다. Com › board › soop효짱 뷰러 학폭. 나는 그냥 뷰러 안짤랐으면 좋겠노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ 더케이 미니. 숲 스트리머 철구가 운영하는 씨나인 크루 팬 홈페이지입니다.

다마고치 마이너 갤러리 지난 22일 한 온라인 커뮤니티에는 방탄소년단의 뷔가 학창시절 학폭의 피해자였다는 글이 올라왔다. 이렇게 못할거 같은데 ㅋㅋ 뭐가 맞는거노 억지로 걍 쿨한척 한거일수도 있지 예전에 찐따였던 자기 모습을 계속 보이기 싫거나. 이렇게 못할거 같은데 ㅋㅋ 뭐가 맞는거노 억지로 걍 쿨한척 한거일수도 있지 예전에 찐따였던 자기 모습을 계속 보이기 싫거나. 개인 방송 bj 쯔양이 학교폭력 가해자라는 의혹제기로 논란이 일자 직접 해명에 나섰다. 15 0514 ㅇㅇ먼저언급햇다고함 학교친구라고 손콩 2025.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.