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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

남녀 모두의 출전은 17 년 연속입니다. 삿포로 이주 후, 1년이 조금 지난 오늘까지 좋았던 점을 정리해보자. 삿포로 의 거리에 있는 유명한 관광 명소로는 대체로 도보로 돌아볼 수 있다. 홋카이도관광지 삿포로여행 삿포로3박4일 홋카이도 대표 관광지.

삿포로 의 거리에 있는 유명한 관광 명소로는 대체로 도보로 돌아볼 수 있다.

Jr 홋카이도 도 미미하게나마 삿포로 시내 교통의 일부를 담당하고 있다.

삿포로역을 지나는 장거리 철도노선인 하코다테 본선, 치토세선, 가쿠엔토시선 21 은 삿포로 시내에 역을 다수 설치해 지역의 대중교통으로 기능하고 있다.

삿포로 여자 좋아요 해가 적어서 피부 하얗고 착해고 개척한지 얼마 보통 어떤특징있어.

따라서 30도가 넘는 여름 날씨에도 바람이 통하는 그늘에 있으면 가을처럼.. 일본 여성에게 호감을 느끼거나, 일본 여성과의 연애 및 결혼을 진지하게 고민하는 분들이 많아지고 있습니다.. 이벤트 정보 セラナンデス 세라초 관광협회.. 난 만약에 일본에서 살면 도시 사이즈나 깨끗한 정도나 나고야에서 살고 싶음..

삿포로역을 지나는 장거리 철도노선인 하코다테 본선, 치토세선, 가쿠엔토시선 21 은 삿포로 시내에 역을 다수 설치해 지역의 대중교통으로 기능하고 있다, 대조적으로 여름은 습도가 낮고, 온도가 낮아. 혼자 떠나는 여행이 처음이거나 일본 홋카이도 여행을 고민 중이라면 도움이 될 거예요. 29 0701 일본 여자친구 만나고 있는데 환상 가질거 없는게 일본여자들은 자기 생활이 무조건 우선이라 한국식 쫀득쫀득한 연애 생각하면 백퍼 실망할거임 1 marriott 2023.

일본여자 한국남자의 낭만가득 삿포로 1일 데이트 일본5.

47개 지역 여자의 연애 스타일, 성격, 결혼관까지 디테일 분석 안녕하세요, 살색의 박감독입니다. 만난지는 이제 6개월정도 됐고 처음만난건 한국에 워홀할 때 처음 봤는데 2년 전부터 도쿄에서 회사 다녀서 장거리 중. 홋카이도관광지 삿포로여행 삿포로3박4일 홋카이도 대표 관광지. 왜냐면 아무래도 한국인이 잘 없으니 관심 가지는 듯, 종이 댕댕댕댕 울리는데 뭔가 마음이 편해지는 느낌이었답니다.

따라서 30도가 넘는 여름 날씨에도 바람이 통하는 그늘에 있으면 가을처럼, 삿포로 이주 후, 1년이 조금 지난 오늘까지 좋았던 점을 정리해보자. 요즘 일본여자들은 내가 대우받는 느낌도 좋고 동시에 남자를 서포트 하는 느낌의 연애를 선호한다고.

아이온2 갈 5일 눈이 내리고, 눈이 많이 내리고 긴 겨울이 특징입니다. Com › wisdom_jeong › 223276007552여자혼자 3박4일 삿포로여행2 실제 여행 타임테이블 네이버 블로그. 일본 여자에 대한 도시별 특징을 나누는 시리즈, 이번에는 오키나와 여자에 대해 이야기해 보. 공식신치토세 공항 온천 국내선 4층 新千歳空港温泉. Com › 88일본 홋카이도 여자 혼자 여행기 1. 아이코스듀오홀더충전안됨

아이네 디시 삿포로 여자 좋아요 해가 적어서 피부 하얗고 착해고 개척한지 얼마 보통 어떤특징있어. Com › wisdom_jeong › 223276007552여자혼자 3박4일 삿포로여행2 실제 여행 타임테이블 네이버 블로그. 아무래도 13번 동네들보다 못살고, 실제로 최저시급도 최하위인 동네라 귀티나는 여자는 잘 없는데 그래도 착하게 생긴 여자들 많았다. 왜냐면 아무래도 한국인이 잘 없으니 관심 가지는 듯. 삿포로 여자 좋아요 해가 적어서 피부 하얗고 착해고 개척한지 얼마 보통 어떤특징있어. 아키 게이 짤

아이온2 직업 디시 혼자 여행을 하다보면 현지에서 이성을 만나서 다양한 이야기를 하고 싶을때가 있을겁니다. 오늘은 일본 여성들에게 더 가까이 다가가고 싶은 분들을 위해 매우 유익하고 현실적인 내용을 준비했어요. 안녕하세요 jin입니다 오늘은 여러분게 3월일본 삿포로여행 여자혼자여행 1일차 여행코스 니카상. 일본 여자에 대한 도시별 특징을 나누는 시리즈, 이번에는 오키나와 여자에 대해 이야기해 보. 공간 자체는 엄청 협소하고 이렇에 바처럼 조리대 주변을 삥 둘러서 앉는 구조다. 아이온2 거유

아이젠 소스케 일본어 일본여자 환상가진 펨창들 정리해준다 유머움짤이슈. 아무래도 13번 동네들보다 못살고, 실제로 최저시급도 최하위인 동네라 귀티나는 여자는 잘 없는데 그래도 착하게 생긴 여자들 많았다. 오전 9시경 삿포로 시계탑에 도착했어요. 담백한 간장 베이스의 소스가 특징으로, 온천 후 식욕을 자극. 수영복 사진 및 비키니 라인 등 다양한 주제 포함.

아크레이더스 공략 디시 나고야 여자 못생겼다는 말 유명한데 난 잘 모르겠더라 그리고 인터넷엔 나고야 안좋은 말도 많던데 그냥 애향심 프라이드가 센 정도이지 전라도 정도는 아닌 것 같음. D+472 삿포로에 살면서 느낀 장점 10가지. 제가 지금 알려드리는 가게는 이상한 곳은 아니고요. 29 0701 일본 여자친구 만나고 있는데 환상 가질거 없는게 일본여자들은 자기 생활이 무조건 우선이라 한국식 쫀득쫀득한 연애 생각하면 백퍼 실망할거임 1 marriott 2023. 예부터 많은 참배객이 방문하는 곳으로 이곳 사람들의 장사 수완은 바로 싹싹한 성격에 있다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.