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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

내가 20살넘고 존나컸는데 키크는법 마이너 갤러리. 누군가에게는 꿈과 같은 이야기이겠지만 놀랍게도 실제로 20대에 해당하는 성인이 키가 크는 경우가 종종 있다. 높이는 자신감을 갖는 데 중요한 역할을 하며, 여러 측면에서 인생의. 키가 20살넘어서 15센치이상클수있냐.

20살 마지막으로 도전 해본다 키크는법 마이너 갤러리.

살 존나 빼고 아침에 일어나서 또 스트레칭하고 줄넘기하고 다리 꼬지말고 쭉쭉 피고, 온몸 스트레칭 또하고 개지랄 염병을하다가 잠에 들고, 잠 하루에 8시간 이상 자고, 하면 솔직히 하루에 0.

이 갤에 25살 이상정도의 나이많은 사람들이 꽤나 많던데 술담배+야식까지 하면서 키 교정에 쓸 비용이 없다거나 아깝다는건 전후사정이 많이 잘못된 사람들이 아닌가 싶음.

손목과 어깨 외에도 척추와 골반, 무릎에 있는 성장판은 상대적으로 늦게까지 열려 있습니다.. 코로나 때문에 키가 안 자랐는데, 벌써 23년이나 됐네.. Comptl48xhtpqxb 여기 진짜 강력추천 합니다.. Comptl48xhtpqxb 여기 진짜 강력추천 합니다..

받는다는거라 통상 만18세 한국나이로 20살 부터 서서히 닫히면서 성장을 멈춘다는 의학적 오피셜로 봤을때 키큰 애들을 20살이 넘어서도 성장판 닫히는 속도가 작은애들보다 당연히 느릴꺼고 어떤 연유에서든 의문스럽게 키가 커져있는 케이스가 꽤나 있을거같음.

혹시 성장판 닫혔으면 sreplyalba. 20살 남자 키 크는법 키작남 마이너 갤러리, 분유 매일매일 퍼먹었다고 함주원 아버지 168 & 어머니 155 인데부모님 나잇대랑 당시 시대상 감안해도전혀 큰 키가 아님, 혹시 성장판 닫혔으면 sreplyalba.

sotwe 얼항자 20살 넘어서 키크는 경우는 이런 경우인듯 키갤러223. 20살 넘어서 키크는 경우는 이런 경우인듯 키갤러223. 170겨우넘는데 이제는 더이상 키클가능성없겟지. 살 존나 빼고 아침에 일어나서 또 스트레칭하고 줄넘기하고 다리 꼬지말고 쭉쭉 피고, 온몸 스트레칭 또하고 개지랄 염병을하다가 잠에 들고, 잠 하루에 8시간 이상 자고, 하면 솔직히 하루에 0. 유전은 어쩔 수 없으니까 그렇다 치고 후천적요소로 키크는법 정리해봄 잠 운동 스트레칭영양공급마인드 자. sportlegendarena . com

spankbang indo 이 갤에 25살 이상정도의 나이많은 사람들이 꽤나 많던데 술담배+야식까지 하면서 키 교정에 쓸 비용이 없다거나 아깝다는건 전후사정이 많이 잘못된 사람들이 아닌가 싶음. 디시인사이드 검색결과 키크는법 공유 해줌 유전임 엄마가 168 아빠가 180 누나가 175 근데 시발난 172 ㅠㅠ 기온키르 2025. 누군가에게는 꿈과 같은 이야기이겠지만 놀랍게도 실제로 20대에 해당하는 성인이 키가 크는 경우가 종종 있다. 올해 20살이 된 키갤러다메일메일 3km 걷기+다리 찢기+턱걸이를 하며 어느덧 시작한지 3달정도가 지났다. 나도 178인데 그냥 만족하고 산다 요즘 샌달도 티안나게 교모히 23센치 올려주더라. sotwe noah ryder

sotwe vtuber 1 찍었는데 22살까지 182초반이여서 좀 아깝다가 이거하고 몇 달만에 184찍음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ. 20살 남자 키 크는법 키작남 마이너 갤러리. 이 갤에 25살 이상정도의 나이많은 사람들이 꽤나 많던데 술담배+야식까지 하면서 키 교정에 쓸 비용이 없다거나 아깝다는건 전후사정이 많이 잘못된 사람들이 아닌가 싶음. 안녕하세요, 하이닥 운동상담사 이정은 입니다. 안녕 얘들아, 난 20살거의 21살 남자고, 키는 170cm 정도 돼. spnkbang

sotwe 정상위 20살 기념 키 성장과정 인증 키갤러112. 1500만원짜리 오다리 수술을 받아서 키를 키운다든가. 누군가에게는 꿈과 같은 이야기이겠지만 놀랍게도 실제로 20대에 해당하는 성인이 키가 크는 경우가 종종 있다. Com › mgallery › board키크는법 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. 이 갤에 25살 이상정도의 나이많은 사람들이 꽤나 많던데 술담배+야식까지 하면서 키 교정에 쓸 비용이 없다거나 아깝다는건 전후사정이 많이 잘못된 사람들이 아닌가 싶음.

sotwe 야 고등학교 들어오고 졸업할때까지 3cm컸는데 답없냐. 예를들어 청소년때 잘 못먹고 잠도 잘 안잤다 하더라도 20살 넘어서 잘먹고 잘자면 결과적으로 끝까지 큼. 누군가에게는 꿈과 같은 이야기이겠지만 놀랍게도 실제로 20대에 해당하는 성인이 키가 크는 경우가 종종 있다. 제가 제목에 188이상이라도 쓴 이유도 그거임 키가 아직도 큼 전 25살임. 우유, 요거트, 체다 치즈, 생선, 계란, 고기 등이 이러한 영양소를 포함하고 있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.