이재명 대통령의 최근 대북관련 발언을 보고 전직 통일부장관.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

하지만 북한 주민들은 지난 2000년 구축한 광명망이라는 내부용 인트라넷을 사용하고 있어 외부 사이트 접속은 불가능합니다. 이재명 대통령이 20일 정부가 북한 조선노동당 기관지인 을 국비로 배포하려 한다는 주장이 가짜뉴스라고 비판하자, 국민의힘에서 기존 정부. 쌍방울 내부자 폭로③ 대북사업 핵심 임원 이재명 방북. 북한 주민들은 인터넷을 거이 대부분 할수가 없다는 겁니다.

쌍방울 내부자 폭로③ 대북사업 핵심 임원 이재명 방북.

리포트 중동아프리카 4개국을 순방중인 이재명 대통령이 기내 간담회에서 북한과의 관계 개선과 관련한 질문에 답하며 대북 방송을 중단한 이유를 설명합니다.

이재명 정부는 최근 북한 웹사이트에 대한 접속 차단을 해제하고, 노동신문과 조선중앙통신 등 북한의 선전 매체를 한국에서 자유롭게 열람할 수 있도록 조치했습니다.. 국ᆞ내외의 북한 심리전, 체제선전ᆞ 선동활동 관련 대부분의 선행연구들은 북한의 전통적인 심리전, 심리작전, 전술에 대한 분석에 주로 집중되어 있었고 해외 연구자 들의 북한 심리전 등과 관련된 연구들의 주요 관심사는 북한당국 이 북한 주민들에 대한..

이재명 정부는 출범하자마자 대북 확성기 중단, 전단 단속에 이어 국가정보원이 50년간 해오던 대북 라디오tv 방송도 모두 꺼버렸다.

서울연합뉴스 이보배 기자 대선을 앞두고 인터넷 사이트 위키백과에 문재인 대통령과 이재명 성남시장 등을 북한 국적으로 허위 게시한. 이재명 대통령 대북 방송, 왜 계속해야 하나 월간조선. Ji hyun park_박지현님의 업데이트. 하지만 북한 주민들은 지난 2000년 구축한 광명망이라는 내부용 인트라넷을 사용하고 있어 외부 사이트 접속은 불가능합니다.

황당한 이재명 안보관 이재명이 대북방송 중단에 대해 황당한 발언을 했습니다, 어차피 북한 주민들이 인터넷으로 다 볼 텐데, 대북. 사진박명훈 기자 이재명 정부가 북한 추정 해킹세력에 의해 행정전산망이 침입당한 사실을 뒤늦게 시인했다. 역대 최장 3시간 직설 화법 쏟아. 대북정보 관계자는 이 대통령의 지시로 노동신문 전면 개방이란 조치를 한 것처럼 알려졌지만, 노동신문 홈페이지를 비롯한 북한 선전선동 인터넷. 다만 현재는 북한 주민들 대부분이 인터넷을 이용하기 어려운 탓에 북한의 재외공관 종사자와 해외 유학생, 파견 노동자 등을 겨냥한 방송이.

칸나 가게 테러 황당한 이재명 안보관 이재명이 대북방송 중단에 대해 황당한 발언을 했습니다. 9% 이상이 인터넷 비연결 상태 글 김태완 월간조선 기자 kimchi@chosun. 이재명 정부는 출범하자마자 대북 확성기 중단, 전단 단속에. 싱가포르 데이터 분석 기관에 따르면, 북한의 인터넷 사용자는 1000명 미만이라고 한다. 이 대통령은 19일 서울 종로구 외교부 청사에서 이뤄진 외교부통일부 업무. 카리나 데뷔 전 영상

치어리더 도수치료 이재명 대통령의 최근 대북관련 발언을 보고 전직 통일부장관. 이재명 대통령이 20일 정부가 북한 조선노동당 기관지인 을 국비로 배포하려 한다는 주장이 가짜뉴스라고 비판하자, 국민의힘에서 기존 정부. 181곳서 구독 주장에 20여곳, 추가 구매. 사진박명훈 기자 이재명 정부가 북한 추정 해킹세력에 의해 행정전산망이 침입당한 사실을 뒤늦게 시인했다. 초대 대표를 맡은 탈북민 1호 변호사 이영현 변호사는 한미 정부가 외면한 북한 주민의 정보 생명줄을 우리가 다시 복구할 것이라고 말했다. 치지직하꼬버튜버

치어리더 딸감 디시 설마 이재명이 북한 주민들이 인터넷을 사용하지 못한다는 걸. Cuuchtjr5so @cuuchtjr5so 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 제명 당하면, 무소속으로 대구 출마한다는 한동훈, 응 그래, 잘 해 보든가 윤석열탄핵 대장동몸통윤석열 윤석열검찰조작 윤석열기자회견윤석열김건희북한검찰문재인이재명. 사진박명훈 기자 이재명 정부가 북한 추정 해킹세력에 의해 행정전산망이 침입당한 사실을 뒤늦게 시인했다. Original sound cuuchtjr5so. Kr › view › akr20251106072300504한미 정부가 외면한 정보 생명줄 복구&mldr. 카우걸 포지션

케데헌 조이 영어로 Kr › news › articleview북한 인터넷 집에서 접속왜 대북송금의 변형 루트일까. 국ᆞ내외의 북한 심리전, 체제선전ᆞ 선동활동 관련 대부분의 선행연구들은 북한의 전통적인 심리전, 심리작전, 전술에 대한 분석에 주로 집중되어 있었고 해외 연구자 들의 북한 심리전 등과 관련된 연구들의 주요 관심사는 북한당국 이 북한 주민들에 대한. 이재명 정부는 최근 북한 웹사이트에 대한 접속 차단을 해제하고, 노동신문과 조선중앙통신 등 북한의 선전 매체를 한국에서 자유롭게 열람할 수 있도록 조치했습니다. 2008년 대법원은 그가 노동당 후보위원으로서 활동했다는 핵심 혐의에. 이재명 정부는 최근 북한 웹사이트에 대한 접속 차단을 해제 이런 상황에서 한국에서 북한 인터넷에 접속한다는 것은 단순한 접속이 아닙니다.

츠쿠모 유키 영어 리포트 중동아프리카 4개국을 순방중인 이재명 대통령이 기내 간담회에서 북한과의 관계 개선과 관련한 질문에 답하며 대북 방송을 중단한 이유를 설명합니다. 어차피 북한 주민들이 인터넷으로 다 볼 텐데, 대북. 이재명 대통령의 최근 대북관련 발언을 보고 전직 통일부장관. 하지만 북한 주민들은 지난 2000년 구축한 광명망이라는 내부용 인트라넷을 사용하고 있어 외부 사이트 접속은 불가능합니다. 2008년 대법원은 그가 노동당 후보위원으로서 활동했다는 핵심 혐의에.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.