이재명 더불어민주당 대선 후보는 31일 페이스북에 주름진 손 사진을 올리며 제가 정치하는 이유인 오직 민생, 네 글자를 절대 있지 않겠다고 말했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

이데일리 김혜선 기자 최근 대통령실에서 배포한 이재명 대통령의 머리 잘린 사진이 온라인에서 화제가 되면서 과거 윤석열 정부 시절 대통령실의. 대통령실이 공식적으로 배포한 동정 사진에 대통령의 얼굴 전체가. 파격적인 대통령실 사진李 대통령 국그릇 들고 후루룩. 이재명 님의 풋풋했던 젊은 시절 모습을 공유합니다.

그는 원래 유럽에서 탱고 사진을 주로 찍던 작가로, 민주당 전당대회 이후 이재명 대통령과 인연을 맺어 그의 사진을 촬영해 왔습니다.

앳된 얼굴에서 느껴지는 순수함이 참 인상 깊네요.. Kr › arti › society내란 우두머리 피의자 윤석열의 옆모습은 어떻게 찍혔나.. 배경은 선명한 파란색과 부드러운 베이지 톤이 대각선처럼 맞닿아 있다..

이 시절부터 쌓아온 생각과 경험들이 지금의 이재명 님을 만들었을 거라는 생각이 듭니다.

이재명 피습 직전 피의자 얼굴 봤는데 생중계 유튜버 놀란 이유 중앙일보 입력 2024.. 비하인드잼 신경제비전선포 이재명지난 1월 11일,신경제 비전선포식 dday.. 셀린느 청담 플래그십 스토어 오픈 기념 포토월 행사가 28일 오후 서울 강남구 셀린느에서 열렸다..

더불어민주당 편집 김남준 이재명 당 대표 비서실 정무부실장은 발언에 대한 견해를 묻는 질문에 해당 발언은 계양에서 더 많은 시간을 보내지 못한 아쉬움을 자신에게 표현한 것이다.

이재명의 외모에 대해 알아봅시다 몸에 비해 대가리가 너무. 옆모습이지만 고모 혜진과 묘하게 닮아 보이는 그녀의 모습 조선의 사랑꾼 — 41회 tv조선 조선의사랑꾼 김국진 강수지 예능 조선의사랑꾼. 서울뉴시스 김금보 기자 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 지난 20일 오전 서울 서초구 서울중앙지방법원에서 열린 대장동 배임 및 성남fc 뇌물 의혹 42차 공판에 출석하며 지지자들에게 인사를 하고 있다.

민들레와 비슷하지만, 흰색 꽃이 피므로 쉽게 구분할 수 있다. Net › news › articleview마이크 앞 고요한 옆모습&mldr. 이재명의 외모에 대해 알아봅시다 몸에 비해 대가리가 너무.

쿠즈 트위터 2일 이재명 더불어민주당 대표를 피습한 60대 남성 김모67씨가 지난달 이 대표의 부산 행사에도 참석했던 정황이 파악됐다. Kr › arti › society내란 우두머리 피의자 윤석열의 옆모습은 어떻게 찍혔나. 10시53분14초, 그가 경사로를 오르는 모습이 보였고, 파인더에서 사라진 1초 동안 12장의 사진을 찍었습니다. 이날 배우 수지가 포즈를 취하고 있다. Com › news › 2025대통령 얼굴보다 중요한 건‥확 바뀐 공식사진 봤더니. 퀸애플 bj

코네 커뮤니티 대통령 얼굴보다 중요한 건‥확 바뀐 공식사진 봤더니. 25일현지시간 오후 12시15분 미국 백악관 집무실에서 이재명 대통령과 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령의 첫 정상회담이 열리는 가운데, 안보와 관세에. 요즘 이재명 대통령의 공식 사진이 연일 화제입니다 일상부터 공식 행사까지 이전과는 다른 분위기를 담은 사진들에 다양한 반응이 나오고. 김씨의 범행을 도운 혐의를 받는 공범 a75씨에게는 집행유예가 선고됐다. 지난 14일 충북 진천 국가공무원인재개발원을 찾아 신입 공무원들과 나란히. 키 타니 타츠야 논란

코치 광고 디시 최근 대통령실에서 배포한 이재명 대통령의 ‘머리 잘린 사진’이 온라인에서 화제가 되면서 과거 윤석열 정부 시절 대통령실의 유감 표명 사례가. Net › news › articleview마이크 앞 고요한 옆모습&mldr. Url 복사 이웃추가 존재하지 않는 이미지입니다. 이재명 님의 풋풋했던 젊은 시절 모습을 공유합니다. web site created using locofy 부산연합뉴스 차근호 김재홍 기자 부산을 방문한 더불어민주당 이재명 대표를 향해 한 남성이 지지자인 척 다가가 순식간에 흉기를 휘두르면서 이 대표가 크게 다쳐 병원으로 이송됐다. 타 블르 디시

타이마사지 잘 생기면 디시 관련 테러는 반드시 다시 특검으로 밝혀 내야 합니다. 이 대통령의 옆모습은 뿌옇게 초점이 나가 있고, 그 시선이 향하는 참사 현장이 선명히 찍혔습니다. 트럼프 첫 한미정상회담동맹 현대화 등 논의될 내용은. 최근 대통령실에서 배포한 이재명 대통령의 ‘머리 잘린 사진’이 온라인에서 화제가 되면서 과거 윤석열 정부 시절 대통령실의 유감 표명 사례가. 수원뉴스1 조태형 기자 선거법 위반 등 혐의로 2심에서 당선 무효형을 선고받고 대법원의 원심 파기환송으로 지사직을 유지하게 된 이재명 경기도지사가 16일 오후 경기도 수원시 팔달구 경기도청에서 입장을 밝히고 있다.

쿠마사카 타케루 서울뉴시스 김금보 기자 이재명 더불어민주당 대표가 지난 20일 오전 서울 서초구 서울중앙지방법원에서 열린 대장동 배임 및 성남fc 뇌물 의혹 42차 공판에 출석하며 지지자들에게 인사를 하고 있다. 진심 가발이랑 안경을 확 삐끼뿌고 싶네 졸라 못생겼다 dc official app. Com › 4375427632이재명 옆모습 정치시사 에펨코리아. 김씨의 범행을 도운 혐의를 받는 공범 a75씨에게는 집행유예가 선고됐다. 더불어민주당 이재명국민의힘 김문수개혁신당 이준석 대선 후보는 14일 나란히 경남과 부산을 방문해 유권자와 소통하며 투표를 당부했다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.