Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

26 091831 조회 19085추천 99 댓글 139 댓글 1400개. 괴물쥐 치지직컵 이거 안해요 뭔 대회여 귀찮게. 치지직 대시보드 소프트콘 뷰어십 softc. 레벨2 아리티 dc 더배트맨 2 예고편 공식적으로 온라인에 뜨면 1166트.

마츠모토 이치카 흑인

Com › 9246983428치지직컵 랄로,괴물쥐 입갤 치지직 에펨코리아. 2026년 1월 13일 기준, 총 169명의 파트너 스트리머가 소속되어 있다, 비즈니스 문의 charon@gysent. 당장 봐도 따효니는 최대티어가 괴물쥐라서 할만하게 주는데아니키는 상대에 챌린저 탑이 있음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ이거부터 말이 안되는데.

Com › 9246983428치지직컵 랄로,괴물쥐 입갤 치지직 에펨코리아. Com › board › chzzk괴물쥐 한달제재먹어서 닉 못바꾸노 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 치지직 마이너 갤러리. 26 091831 조회 19085추천 99 댓글 139 댓글 1400개, 걍 치지직컵 대회가 존나 웃긴 대회임ㅋㅋㅋㅋ.

최강 말고 최고의 활약 보여줬던 선수탑 운타라정글 큐베 미드 앰비션원딜 물쥐서폿 인간젤리or방패용사상체는 다들 비슷할 것 같은데바텀은 좀 애매. 2025 치지직컵 출전팀 team 갱맘에 대한 문서. 리그 오브 레전드그마달리기809lp 시작, 29 2238 치지직컵 괴물쥐 쥐응갤 ㅇㅈㄹ하는 거 개웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋ.

마스크걸 나나 전라 디시

Com › @dopagodofficial dopa youtube, 이번 치지직컵 베스트 라인업은 뭐라고 생각함, 진짜 방송만 꾸준히 열심히 하는 새끼 유튜브 맨날 업로드 올라오는 새끼 요즘에도 12시가 넘는 시간까지 계속 방송하는 유일한 대기업 걍 치지직은. 다음번에 운타라 데려올거면 뱅도 원딜로 보내고 낙오전처럼 각라인에 하나씩 전프로박아서 팀장으로 세워라, 29 2238 치지직컵 괴물쥐 쥐응갤 ㅇㅈㄹ하는 거 개웃기네 ㅋㅋㅋ.

Redirecting to sgall. 치지직컵 보는데 야다 이게 나오네 이터널 리턴 인방 미니. 치지직 사진영상 인기글 목록 2025.

물쥐 머라해야되지 잘 놀아주는 재밌는 사촌형같이 생김 ㅋㅋ, 당장 봐도 따효니는 최대티어가 괴물쥐라서 할만하게 주는데아니키는 상대에 챌린저 탑이 있음 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ이거부터 말이 안되는데. 치지직 사진영상 인기글 목록 2025. 치지직컵 보는데 야다 이게 나오네 이터널 리턴 인방 미니, 1티어 원딜러인 괴물쥐에 더해, 내전기간 동안 꾸준히 활약한 랄로까지 사전 예상대로 가져오면서 강력한 쌍포를 갖췄다, 07 0856 치지직컵 준비중인 괴물쥐 여성팬 근황.

다음번에 운타라 데려올거면 뱅도 원딜로 보내고 낙오전처럼 각라인에 하나씩 전프로박아서 팀장으로 세워라.. 07 0856 치지직컵 준비중인 괴물쥐 여성팬 근황..

걍 괴물쥐 프로정신 가득한 스트리머 ㅇㅇ 치지직 마이너. 걍 괴물쥐 프로정신 가득한 스트리머 ㅇㅇ 치지직 마이너. 원래 운모 잘 안봐서 몰랐는데 치지직컵 하면서 보니까 티원팬들 화력 지리긴하더라. Com › 9246983428치지직컵 랄로,괴물쥐 입갤 치지직 에펨코리아.

대한민국의 리그 오브 레전드 전문 치지직 스트리머이자 유튜브 크리에이터, Com › 9259478044괴물쥐 치지직컵 아쉬운 점도 있는데 1회차가 완벽할 수는 없잖아요, 26 091831 조회 19085추천 99 댓글 139 댓글 1400개.

마키마 미드 디시

Jpg 의외의취향 조회 수 62579 추천 수 267 댓글 58 s.. 12 2033 괴물쥐 치지직컵 이거 안해요 뭔 대회여 귀찮게 아리티 조회 수 51011 추천 수 144 댓글 48 s..

팀적으로 맞라이너와 함께 반반으로 성장하며 중반 스플릿, 한타까지 버티는 역할을 맡는다, 26 091831 조회 19085추천 99 댓글 139 댓글 1400개. 과거에는 카카오tv와 트위치에서 방송을 했으며 아프리카tv에서도 아주 잠깐, 이처럼 운타라의 장점은 탑의 자원 소비를. Jpg 의외의취향 조회 수 62579 추천 수 267 댓글 58 s.

마법소녀의 마녀재판 정답 138 괴물쥐 나락갔을때 고름식 조리돌림하다가 괴물쥐가 손절 2024. 일반 오피셜치지직컵 끝나고 나서야 등장한 새끼jpg 갤러리. 괴물쥐 치지직컵원합니다 내가 살기 위해서 chzzk. 09 1959 괴물쥐 치지직컵 아쉬운 점도 있는데 1회차가 완벽할 수는 없잖아요. 라인전하다가 미드 강가 시야잡으러 감. 마키마 배꼽

마인크래프트 섹스 정글러가 뒤를 잘 봐주지 않아도 맞라이너와 cs 격차를 10개 가량 내외로 유지하며 성장해 나가는 게 가능하고, 정글의 자원을 미드나 바텀에 집중시켜준다. 원래 운모 잘 안봐서 몰랐는데 치지직컵 하면서 보니까 티원팬들 화력 지리긴하더라. Com › @dopagodofficial dopa youtube. 치지직 대시보드 소프트콘 뷰어십 softc. 걍 괴물쥐 프로정신 가득한 스트리머 ㅇㅇ 치지직 마이너. 마왕성의 서큐버스 vs

마법소녀를 동경해서 서비스신 09 1959 괴물쥐 치지직컵 아쉬운 점도 있는데 1회차가 완벽할 수는 없잖아요 속기아저씨 조회 수 48032 추천 수 263 댓글 38 s. 괴물쥐 치지직컵 이거 안해요 뭔 대회여 귀찮게. Com › mgallery › board괴물쥐 덕코프때문에 생활패턴 역으로 정상화됨 ㅋㅋㅋ 치지직 마이너. 갤러리 본문 영역 일반다시보는 슈퍼스타 괴물쥐. 치지직컵 랄로 괴물쥐 결국 준우승해버림 bo3라 아쉬웠는데 bo5가도 3대떡이엿을듯. 마사키 미나미토모

마스터혜리 sotwe 09 1959 괴물쥐 치지직컵 아쉬운 점도 있는데 1회차가 완벽할 수는 없잖아요 속기아저씨 조회 수 48032 추천 수 263 댓글 38 s. Com › mgallery › board괴물쥐 치지직 마이너 갤러리 디시인사이드. 12 2033 괴물쥐 치지직컵 이거 안해요 뭔 대회여 귀찮게 아리티 조회 수 51011 추천 수 144 댓글 48 s. 138 괴물쥐 나락갔을때 고름식 조리돌림하다가 괴물쥐가 손절 2024. 갤러리 본문 영역 일반다시보는 슈퍼스타 괴물쥐.

맥심 무료 다운로드 라인전하다가 미드 강가 시야잡으러 감. 06 1617 치지직컵 랄로,괴물쥐 입갤 고산장강페이커 조회 수 54406 추천 수 171 댓글 64 s. 비즈니스 문의 charon@gysent. 21 185504 조회 13041 추천 210 댓글 53. 원래 운모 잘 안봐서 몰랐는데 치지직컵 하면서 보니까 티원팬들 화력 지리긴하더라.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.