Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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계약 조건에 따르면 도밍게스는 2026년 700만 달러, 2027년 1000만 달러를 받으며, 2028년에는 1200만 달러 규모의 상호 옵션이 포함돼 있다.. Net › news › articleview제주 수출액 1위 품목은 반도체, 전체 62.. 규제 불확실성과 핵심 지지선 붕괴, 안전자산으로의 자금 이동이 동시에 겹치면서 시장에 충격파가 확산되고 있다..

시노부알몸

Wise 환율계산기로 krw → usd 변환을 하세요. 그것은 두 통화 변환의 환율을 보여줍니다. 전 세계 입맛 사로잡은 충남 김역대 최대 수출액 기록. Kr › atl › view아프리카 2026년 1월30일 경제동향 이집트 수출입통제청, 2025년. 천구백만 미국 달러는 오늘 오전 130 utc 기준으로 ₩27,988,917,575의 가치가 있습니다. Bitmine가 주주 승인을 거쳐 4만302 eth1억1,700만 달러 상당를 추가 매입해 보유량을 424만 개로 늘렸으며, 이 중 200만 개 이상을 스테이킹해 수익을 올리고 있다.

Kr › entry › 277086에니아이, 美시장 겨냥한 ai 조리로봇으로 산업은행 400만 달러 투자. 美 병원, 디지털 쌍둥이가 해킹 막는다 복지부 1900만 달러. Hours ago 더구루김예지 기자 삼성sdi와 sk온의 기술 파트너사인 미국 전고체 배터리 기업 솔리드파워solid power가 대규모 자금 조달을 진행했다, 트랜스포머 원, 박스 오피스에서 1억 1900만 달러 돌파. Hours ago ice는 지난해 9월 아마존 클라우드 서비스를 대신 관리해 주는 제3자 업체와 2400만 달러 약 345억원 규모의 계약을 체결했고, 마이크로소프트 기업용 라이선스를 위해 델에 1900만 달러 약 273억원를 지급하기도 했다.

Days ago learn the value of 1900 united states dollars usd in south korean won krw today, Hours ago ice는 지난해 9월 아마존 클라우드 서비스를 대신 관리해 주는 제3자 업체와 2400만 달러 약 345억원 규모의 계약을 체결했고, 마이크로소프트 기업용 라이선스를 위해 델에 1900만 달러 약 273억원를 지급하기도 했다. The live ripple usd price today is $0. 82 btc를 이체했으며, 이는 약 831만 달러에 해당한다.

스즈 asmr 할로윈 1900달러usd 약276만785원 실시간 환율 계산기. 비트코인, 美 증시 충격에 1억1900만원대로 밀려. Wise 환율계산기로 krw → usd 변환을 하세요. Kr › news › stock라이온델바젤 인더스트리즈, 4분기 1. 누적 투자금은 1,900만 달러 약 255억원에 이른다. 스즈무라 아이리 실물

시노부 간지럼 1,900 미국 달러usd은는 한국 원krw으로 얼마인지 실시간 환율로 확인하세요. 일리노이주에 본사를 둔 이 회사는 자사 명의로 1900만달러 규모의 정부 계약을 보유하고 있다. 이번 투자를 통해 회사는 미국 시장 공략에 속도를 낼 계획이다. 2025년 12월 28일 오늘자 환율 기준으로 1900만달러 금액을 원화로 환전할 경우 약 273억 3463만 5000원입니다. Top currency pairings for 미국 달러 usd → krw usd → inr usd → jpy. 스 푸닝 세미 왼손 디시

슈버스2009 보기 Net › news › articleview제주 수출액 1위 품목은 반도체, 전체 62. 규제 불확실성과 핵심 지지선 붕괴, 안전자산으로의 자금 이동이 동시에 겹치면서 시장에 충격파가 확산되고 있다. 실제로 이 차이 때문에 연봉 조정 위원회에 갈 가능성이 높으며, 현지 언론에서는 스쿠발의 승리를 예상하고 있다. Wise 환율계산기로 1,900 usd → krw 변환을 하세요. 전 세계 입맛 사로잡은 충남 김역대 최대 수출액 기록. 스푸닝 은지 섹

스즈키 코하루 인스타 20222024년 3년 연속 마이너스 성장 흐름을 완전히 털어낸 괄목할만한 성장세다. 국내 항공사의 항공기 수리를 위해 상반기 영국에 896만 달러, 11월 미국에 482만 달러어치 항공기 엔진을 수출한 영향이 컸습니다. 국내 항공사의 항공기 수리를 위해 상반기 영국에 896만 달러, 11월 미국에 482만 달러 규모의 항공기 엔진을 수출한 영향이 컸다. Etf 자금 유출연준 긴축 우려에 급락. 그것은 두 통화 변환의 환율을 보여줍니다.

시노하라 이요 1900만 usd에서 krw로 변환 미국 달러에서 대한민국 원로. Day ago 제주특별자치도는 지난해 연간 총 수출액이 3억4042만 달러를 기록하며 역대 최대 실적을 달성했다고 29일 밝혔다. 수입신고 물품가격 미화 150달러이하는 면세통관되며, 미화 150달러 초과 시에는 공제없이 총과세가격물품가격+운임+보험료 등에 대해 과세합니다. 이전 환율 그래프 또는 실시간 미국 달러 대한민국 원 환율을 분석하고 무료 환율 알림을 이메일로 직접. 저희 환율 계산기는 사용이 간편하며 최신 환율을 표시합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.