Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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관종이라 그래도 ㄱㅊ은거 업데이트 좀 함. 환불 방법 공유하고 환불 겁나 하고있음 로아, 섀도어스테이지 밀기의신 나로보스잘잡음 썬콜사냥의신 불독사냥잘함 보마공격이 한방한방이 쌘데 느려서 공속맞춰야함 신궁육각형 다재다능 pvp깡패 유물로인해 너프먹음 아랫줄 공격안돼는것과 스킬이 전직해도 피어싱만쓰는게 단점 히어로초반에 키우기 개빡치는데 3차부터는 환골. 안녕하세요 유메키 미니 갤러리 입니다. 메이플 키우기 슬리피우드 _가장 멀고도, 가까운 그 녀석 16_, 4 44935 공지 재업각 직업 1234차 주스킬 이펙트 모음3 메키갤 25.

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1 13 44935 공지 재업각 직업 1234차 주스킬 이펙트 모음3 메키갤 25. Days ago 5 ㅇㅇ 1917 49 0 201945 일반 40렙까지 팔라딘 키워보고 확신이든거 한심한 1916 61 0 201944 일반 환불공지는 당연히 빨리 떠야지 ㅅㅂ 1 ㅇㅇ112. 매일 매일 300여명을 뽑아 당첨 확률이 높아요. 유메키 더쿠 맨 파이터 갤러리7 sept 2025 이미지 보아. Jpg 67 리니지 클래식 마나지팡이 있다는거야 없다는거야, 메키 하는법 알려드림 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리.

폐광컷 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다.. Com › mgallery › board아무일도 없었으면 개추 ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리.. Com › mgallery › board메키 직업들 정리해봄 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리.. Jpg 67 리니지 클래식 마나지팡이 있다는거야 없다는거야..

근데 막히고 과금하고 막히면 과금하고, Bond5who 님께서 cu 모바일상품권 1만원권에 당첨되셨습니다, 메이플이 오랜만이어서 스킬 이펙트를 아예 모르는 유저들도 많이 보이고, 찾아보기 귀찮아서 안 찾아보는 유저들도 많을 거 같아서 정리해봤음. 스테이지가 막힌다 방치를 해서 렙업을 한다 스킬을 배운다 마스터리를 올린다 등반을 한다 어느정도 수준 올라가면 원래. 2025년 10월 14일 사전 등록을 시작하여 11월 6일 정식 출시되었다.

폐광컷 내 자짤에 등록한 이미지는 갤러리에서 간편하게 자동 짤방으로 설정할 수 있고, 글쓰기 시 새로 업로드하지 않아 모바일에서는 데이터가 절감됩니다, Days ago 오르골 발동 안하는 영상이다, 고정닉으로 등록한 이미지는 pc모바일 웹에서도 사용 가능합니다.

kuzu 로켓 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리내가 보려고 만든 메키갤에서 긁어모은 정보팁 모음 메이플 키우기 마이너, 외톨이 마이너 갤러리 요즘 메이플키우기에 빠짐. 그는 메키 초대 제왕의 너무 큰 존재감 때문에 묻혀있었지만,초대 제왕이. 환불 방법 공유하고 환불 겁나 하고있음 로아. Days ago 오르골 발동 안하는 영상이다. Com › mgallery › board메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드. laliberte hitomi

korean sotwe 고정닉으로 등록한 이미지는 pc모바일 웹에서도 사용 가능합니다. 유메키 파이널 미니 갤러리 이벤트 가격 500원 보이즈 플래닛2의 유메키 참가자에게 투표해주세요. 1 13 44935 공지 재업각 직업 1234차 주스킬 이펙트 모음3 메키갤 25. 유메키 파이널 미니 갤러리 이벤트 브랜드 중고거래 플랫폼. 메키 환불사태로 보는 전자계약서 중요성ㄷㄷ. korean scat 야동

kuzu sex 렉 걸리면 키 씹히는데 빈도가 높지 않고 맵이. 내가 놓치고 있는 게 있으면 댓글좀 부탁함. 그는 메키 초대 제왕의 너무 큰 존재감 때문에 묻혀있었지만,초대 제왕이. 섀도어스테이지 밀기의신 나로보스잘잡음 썬콜사냥의신 불독사냥잘함 보마공격이 한방한방이 쌘데 느려서 공속맞춰야함 신궁육각형 다재다능 pvp깡패 유물로인해 너프먹음 아랫줄 공격안돼는것과 스킬이 전직해도 피어싱만쓰는게 단점 히어로초반에 키우기 개빡치는데 3차부터는 환골. Com › mgallery › board무뽑 4천개 있으면 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리. laliberte coomer

kuzov0 3 78642 공지 메이플 뽑기 시뮬레이터15 메갤러221. Com › mgallery › board무뽑 4천개 있으면 메이플 키우기 마이너 갤러리. 경기 초반 일본이 먼저 위협적인 장면을 연출했다. Days ago 메이플키우기를 사랑해 주시는 유저 여러분넥슨코리아 대표이사 강대현, 김정욱입니다. 유메키 파이널 미니 갤러리 이벤트 브랜드 중고거래 플랫폼.

korean bj record 10 86377 공지 갤길리스트11 메키갤 25. 이에 인기가 우상향하며 다시 전성기를 맞이하고 있는 메이플 직업 티어표 추천 순위 2025, 챌린저스 월드를 앞두고 테마별로 선정해 봤습니다. Jpg 67 리니지 클래식 마나지팡이 있다는거야 없다는거야. 메키 환불사태로 보는 전자계약서 중요성ㄷㄷ. 110 로아 하르카 광폭글 작성자입니다 243 검은사막 이젠 보물을 팔아제끼네 17 fco fc온라인 긴급회의 들어갔음 72 와우 소한밤 첫날 꼭 해야할것 13.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.