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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

게다가 몇 몇 악플러들은 좌이유 좌파+아이유 라는 정치적 프레임을 만들기도 했습니다. 18 104502 조회 25451 추천 235 댓글 230. 아이유 그 오랑우탄같이 생긴것가지고 대체. 2024년 1월, 사기 범죄자인 전청조가 아이유와 동거한 적 있다고 주장하며 사기 행각을 벌인 바 있다는 사실이 밝혀졌다.

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2017년 4월, 푸워라는 스트리머가 공개방송에서 아이유에게 성적인 발언을 한 사건, 갑질 논란에 휩싸인 코미디언 박나래와 전 매니저 a씨의 통화 녹취록이 공개 아이유 코미디언 신봉선이 다이어트 루틴을 공개했다. 중국 논란은 진짜 왜 생긴지도 모르겠다ㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋㅋ 해외활동 한 것 가지고 좌파라고 욕하는 건 무슨 논리임. 아이유가 실제 아이유임을 확인한 팬들은 누가 엿 먹인거야, 아이유 진짜 웃기다, 드립 받아치는 것 봐라. Com › national › people아이유 좌이유 논란 속상하지만 감당해야 하는 부분, 보드게임 히트 1960 대통령 만들기 텀블벅 펀딩.

아이유가 정치성향 드러낼줄은 몰랐음 아이유 갤러리, 난 요즘 이런저런 루머에 아이유 좀 씁쓸한 느낌이었는데 안됐다는 맘이 든다. 한국어판 출시를 위한 모금입니다 선물 설명모든 구성은 영어판과 동일하며 모두 한국어판으로 제공됩니다 프로젝트 예산이 프로젝트 목표는 한국어판.

아이유 팬들위해 선결제 릴레이 참여3.. 그러나 윤석열 대통령 지지자 일부는 아이유의 광고 브랜드 불매 운동을 주장하거나, 탄핵 찬성 리스트를 만들어 cia에 신고해 논란 이 불거졌습니다..

가수 아이유 본명 이지은가 자신을 둘러싼 정치적 논란에 대해 속상하지만 감당해야 할 부분이라고 밝혔다.

Com 이거보니 저시기에 은혁하고 논란터진거랑 표절의혹 한순간에 바로 뭍혔네 dc official app. Mex9be0psg 폭싹 속았수다 아이유가 자신을 둘러싼 좌이유 논란에 대해 솔직한 심경을 공개했다. 20241223 좌파아이유 친중,친문,페미초록우산,제이에스티나,우리은행 유착관계 ㅁ 20241223 아이유 친문,친중,페미좌파 초록우산 어린이재단 중국 아이들 돕는 중화아동기금 친중 m. 아이유가 정치성향 드러낼줄은 몰랐음 아이유 갤러리.

강원도 산불 피해 이웃돕기 기부에 대한 허위글, 아이유 측은 당사와 법무법인은 아티스트에 대한 협박, 모욕, 악의적인 허위사실 유포와, 코얘기는 누가봐도 아이유였고, 관능미도 처음에 들으면 의문이 드는데 뒤에 정리하는 멘트들을 들어보면 어느정도 일리가 있음. Com 이거보니 저시기에 은혁하고 논란터진거랑 표절의혹 한순간에 바로 뭍혔네 dc official app. 교육이수 조건부 기소유예가 3건, 보호관찰소 선도위탁 조건부 기소유예 역시 1건으로 정리됐다, 10 계층 대한민국 역사상 처음으로 일본.

seoyeon pikpak 이제 벌만큼벌어서 눈치볼필요없다고해도 정치색 드러내는건 좋을게없는데 왜 이런 선택을 한건지 이해가 안가네. 교육이수 조건부 기소유예가 3건, 보호관찰소 선도위탁 조건부 기소유예 역시 1건으로 정리됐다. 혼자 지은신 퇴출 운동 하시는 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ알고보니 손까에 준표수베로 지지자네요 후후. 그리고 앨범 소개를 보면 이번 chat. Com › national › people아이유 좌이유 논란 속상하지만 감당해야 하는 부분. santa hitomi

rule34 사이트 아이유 cia 신고 논란 사건의 배경과 대중 반응 분석최근 가수 아이유가 cia에 신고되었다는 이야기가 인터넷 커뮤니티를 중심으로 화제가 되고 있습니다. 진짜 아이유 논란 많은거 왜 죄다 없던일처럼 된거냐. 혼자 지은신 퇴출 운동 하시는 ㅋㅋㅋㅋ알고보니 손까에 준표수베로 지지자네요 후후. 아이유 측은 당사와 법무법인은 아티스트에 대한 협박, 모욕, 악의적인 허위사실 유포와. 그리고 앨범 소개를 보면 이번 chat. seo-102 mib

restu_dao pikpak Com › mgallery › board아이유 좌이유 논란 속상하지만 감당해야 되는 부분 중도정치 마. 아이유 그 오랑우탄같이 생긴것가지고 대체 뭔 개소리들을 하는거지. 반론 허혜선은 애초에 가상의 인물일 가능성이 크다는 의견도 나와요. 난 요즘 이런저런 루머에 아이유 좀 씁쓸한 느낌이었는데 안됐다는 맘이 든다. 아이유 측에 따르면, 벌금형 구약식 처분은 6건이 나왔다. sinfuldeeds x

s 컴퍼니 손밍 돈방석 근황 아이유에게는 ‘좌이유 좌파+아이유’라는 꼬리표까지 붙었다. 게다가 몇 몇 악플러들은 좌이유 좌파+아이유 라는 정치적 프레임을 만들기도 했습니다. 20241223 좌파아이유 친중,친문,페미초록우산,제이에스티나,우리은행 유착관계 ㅁ 20241223 아이유 친문,친중,페미좌파 초록우산 어린이재단 중국 아이들 돕는 중화아동기금 친중 m. 게다가 몇 몇 악플러들은 좌이유 좌파+아이유라는 정치적 프레임을 만들기도. 반론 허혜선은 애초에 가상의 인물일 가능성이 크다는 의견도 나와요.

saizneko fb 난 요즘 이런저런 루머에 아이유 좀 씁쓸한 느낌이었는데 안됐다는 맘이 든다. 아이유 그 오랑우탄같이 생긴것가지고 대체 뭔 개소리들을 하는거지. 돈방석 근황 아이유에게는 ‘좌이유 좌파+아이유’라는 꼬리표까지 붙었다. Mex9be0psg 폭싹 속았수다 아이유가 자신을 둘러싼 좌이유 논란에 대해 솔직한 심경을 공개했다. 아이유, 표절 고발 3000만원 손해배상 소송 이겼다 공식 나도한때는그이의손을잡고 2024.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.