Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

여기서 그치지 않고 전문가는 하인부보다는 상안부를 강조해야 하는 얼굴이다 read more. 의정부신곡초등학교 졸업 신곡중학교 졸업 의정부여자고등학교 졸업 연세대학교 사회과학대학 사회학 학사. 오래도록 회자된 에세이 에서 김소영 작가는 어린이에 대해 생각할수록 우리의 세계는 넓어진다고 말했다. 올해로 31회째를 맞는 자랑스 런 국민인의 상은 매년 정관계, 학계, 재계, 문화예술 계 등에서 뛰어난 업적을 세워 모교의 위상과 명예를 선 양한 국민대 동문에게.

이주은 허벅지

이를 본 김지은은 두 분이 빠르게 가까워질 수 있겠다.. 지금 가장 잘생긴 유재석 하관 함몰돼잊혀지지 않는 얼굴.. 1 빵댕이 🤎댓글 위주로 방문해용 늦어도 답방 꼭 가요🤎.. 의정부신곡초등학교 졸업 신곡중학교 졸업 의정부여자고등학교 졸업 연세대학교 사회과학대학 사회학 학사..

이예빈 치어리더 결혼

이이경 전라도

음악 프로듀서 27세 1998년 1월 23일.. 여기서 그치지 않고 전문가는 하인부보다는 상안부를 강조해야 하는 얼굴이다 read more.. 오래도록 회자된 에세이 에서 김소영 작가는 어린이에 대해 생각할수록 우리의 세계는 넓어진다고 말했다..

180 likes, 14 comments soyoung_4028 on febru 4일만에 돌아온 실습인생 😂 인스타그램 얼스타그램 셀피 데일리. 문의 0264176711 김소영피아노 피아노김소영 피아니스트김소영 김소영피아니스트 예술의전당피아노독주회 인춘아트홀피아노독주회 피아노독주회 피아노리싸이틀 김소영베토벤 김소영브람스 종료 공연전시 상세 정보 국en, 둘째 유산이라는 안타까운 소식을 전한 방송인 김소영 전 아나운서에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. 서울뉴스1 황미현 기자 인플루언서 최준희가 초마름 몸매를 뽐냈다.

이시안 Deepfake

등mz세대의 시선으로 mz세대 청춘의 현실을 솔직하게 담아낸 곽민승 감독탄탄한 청춘영화 필모그래피, 1987년 10월 22일1 년 mbc에 입사하여 5년여간 아나운서를 지내온 바 있다. Mbc 재직 시절, 1986년 kbs 9 뉴스의. 최준희, 얼마나 말랐는지 감도 안오는 몸매뼈말라 그 자체.

이안 cumtribute 17일 방송된 kbs2 예능 프로그램 옥탑방의 문제아들에는 ceo가 된 아나운서들 주제로 김소영, 한석준이 출연해 이야기를. 새해를 맞는 서울 명동에 중계차가 나가 있습니다. 영상에서는 패널들에게 상자에 담긴 닭다리 사진을 보여줬다. Org › wiki › 김소영_방송인김소영 방송인 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 김소영, 8㎏ 찐 근황+둘째 초음파 사진 공개누가 봐도. 이안 가슴 디시

이이경 dm 내용 저희가 79년생에 같은 학교 98학번 동기라고 알리며 급속도로 친해지는 모습이 공개됐다. 최준희, 얼마나 말랐는지 감도 안오는 몸매뼈말라 그 자체. 오래도록 회자된 에세이 에서 김소영 작가는 어린이에 대해 생각할수록 우리의 세계는 넓어진다고 말했다. 스포티비뉴스정혜원 기자 mbc 아나운서 출신 김소영이 4개의 사업을 운영 중인 일상을 공개했다. 17일 방송된 kbs2 예능 프로그램 옥탑방의 문제아들에는 ceo가 된 아나운서들 주제로 김소영, 한석준이 출연해 이야기를. 이이경 디엠

이시우 로리 1976년 대구 출생 1995년 대구 송현여고 졸업, 대구 시정소식 리포터 1995∼1996년 계명대학교 대학방송국 아나운서 1996년 tbc tv 리포터 공채3기 입사 1997∼1999년. 오상진♥ 김소영, 둘째 초음파 사진 공개두 달 만에 8kg. 이를 본 김지은은 두 분이 빠르게 가까워질 수 있겠다. ㄹㅈㄷ 아갤러는 갤러리에서 권장하는 비회원 전용 갤닉네임입니다. 저희가 79년생에 같은 학교 98학번 동기라고 알리며 급속도로 친해지는 모습이 공개됐다. 이치 온리팬스

이세돌 아들 돌반지 녹여 본인 목걸이로러브. 4학년19982003년생 담임선생님 전소연 김다솜, 웨이, 이미희, 방선희, 김인혜, 김유연, 명형서, 최수민, 홍혜주, 김하리 3, 이유민, 이하영, 강은우, 이수빈, 송예림, 윤채원, 조유정, 고태희, 강민지, 김수연, 전유은, 장이한. 음악 프로듀서 27세 1998년 1월 23일. Org › wiki › 김소영_1991년김소영 1991년 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 201805202412 롯데 자이언츠.

이치가야 데리헤루 등mz세대의 시선으로 mz세대 청춘의 현실을 솔직하게 담아낸 곽민승 감독탄탄한 청춘영화 필모그래피. Mbc 재직 시절, 1986년 kbs 9 뉴스의. 1980년생 신인 배우였던 고 장자연은 2009년 스스로 목숨을 끊은 채 발견됐다. 서울뉴스1 황미현 기자 인플루언서 최준희가 초마름 몸매를 뽐냈다. 180 likes, 14 comments soyoung_4028 on febru 4일만에 돌아온 실습인생 😂 인스타그램 얼스타그램 셀피 데일리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.