US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
일본이 미국과의 무역 협상에서 선제적으로 관세 인하를 확보한 반면, 한국은 3500억달러 규모의 대미 투자 조건을 둘러싼 협상 난항. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 워싱턴dc 당국이 이민단속국ice과의 협력을 거부한 데 대해 국가비상사태를 다시 선포할 수 있다고 경고했다. 대신 한달차라도 몸이 좀 만들어졌고, 여태껏 다른운동 깔짝이라도 한 사람이겟지. 미국이 일본산 자동차 관세를 15%로 낮추기로 하면서 한국산 자동차 경쟁력에 빨간 불이 켜졌습니다.
조사한 모든 거리에서 러너 간 페이스 차이는 5.. 10k 지금 550정도나오는데 이게 500페이스아래로 10km를뛴다는게 3개월차입장에선 진짜 아득해보임.. 가벼운 운동 어느정도 한 일반인 남자 기준 5km 500 600 페이스는 적당하다고 보고, 운동 안해본 일반인 남자라면 5km 500은 커녕 600도 힘들다고 생각함.. Com › popular › 틱톡히트챌린지틱톡 히트 챌린지 디시..
Com › mgallery › board500페이스 힘든가요. 급수 대령, 스펀지 대령, 보급캐리어 뭐 이정도면 페이스 나쁘지않게 잘 유지한거. 정청래 더불어민주당 대표의 조국혁신당과의 합당 제안을 둘러싼 후폭풍이 이틀째 몰아치고 있다.
500은 조금만 노력하고 대회뽕 들어가면 충분히 진입가능합니다. 러닝 페이스가 최적의 에너지 효율에 맞춰진 것인지를 보기 위해서, 이번엔 트레드밀 러닝 테스트 결과와 비교해 보았습니다. 불후의 명작 나는 etf 정리 이걸 넘는걸 본적이 없음 s&p 500 미니 갤러리. 모두 10k기준입니다지금 530페이스로컨디션 평타이상이면 2존 상단에 걸리는데요그리고 500페이스로 뛰면 3존 상단입니다조절못하면 4존하단 걸릴때 있구요500페이스로 2존상단 되려면 꽤나 장기간이 걸릴까요. 갤러리 본문 영역 훈련일지500페이스 18k 조깅모바일에서 작성 안양천불도저2024.
진짜빨리뛴다고생각해야 1km500아래잠깐찍히는데 이걸10km뛴다고, 인증글 보면 한달 됐습니다 10키로 500페이스 러닝 마이너. 컨디션 좋을때 좀 빡세게 뛰어보자 하면 610까진 가능했습니다만 심정지 올뻔 했구요, 한국은 지난 7월 30일 미국과 관세 협상을 타결하면서 대미 관세를 25%에서 15%로 낮추고, 총 3천500억 달러 규모의 대미 투자를 시행하는 내용에 합의했습니다.
이미지 5분 페이스 이하로 어케 뛰었을까. 고속도로 통행료 홈페이지에서 단말기 등록 프로그램을 다운로드 및 설치하신 후 쉽게 등록할 수 있습니다. 보통 길거리에서 뛰시는 분들 페이스가 얼마나 하나요, 430부터가 진짜 괴물들의 영역입니다.
이 게시물들에선 xai가 개발한 ai 모델 그록을 통해 지하돌을 어떻게 선정적 딥페이크 이미지 및 영상으로 바꾸는지 명령어를 공유한다. 하프 목표 도달하면 서브4도 충분히 도달할듯 2024. 우리 최대한의 국익 반영을 위해서 그렇게 최선을 다할 생각입니다. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 워싱턴dc 당국이 이민단속국ice과의 협력을 거부한 데 대해 국가비상사태를 다시 선포할 수 있다고 경고했다. 일본이 미국과의 무역 협상에서 선제적으로 관세 인하를 확보한 반면, 한국은 3500억달러 규모의 대미 투자 조건을 둘러싼 협상 난항. Com › mgallery › board어스마 대비 500 페이스주 러닝 마이너 갤러리.
고속도로 통행료 홈페이지에서 단말기 등록 프로그램을 다운로드 및 설치하신 후 쉽게 등록할 수 있습니다. 대신 한달차라도 몸이 좀 만들어졌고, 여태껏 다른운동 깔짝이라도 한 사람이겟지. 모두 10k기준입니다지금 530페이스로컨디션 평타이상이면 2존 상단에 걸리는데요그리고 500페이스로 뛰면 3존 상단입니다조절못하면 4존하단 걸릴때 있구요500페이스로 2존상단 되려면 꽤나 장기간이 걸릴까요. 이언주황명선강득구 등 반청반정청래 성향 read more, 10키로 50분이 성인남자 젊어도 잘 뛰는 기준은 아닌 것 같음. 이 게시물들에선 xai가 개발한 ai 모델 그록을 통해 지하돌을 어떻게 선정적 딥페이크 이미지 및 영상으로 바꾸는지 명령어를 공유한다.
오늘은 자가등록이 가능한 대표적인 하이패스 단말기의 종류와 등록 방법을 정리해 보았습니다, 일반인 중에 1k 500 페이스 가능한 사람이 몇 퍼센트임, 러닝 시작후 10km 500페이스 정도 도달하는데 러너님들은 얼마나 걸리셨을까요.
ลิ้งmangue973 하프 목표 도달하면 서브4도 충분히 도달할듯 2024. 달린지 얼마 안되셨다면 무릎이나 발목은 한두달정도에 아픈게 어느정도 괜찮아질순 있는데 주법이 힐풋이시라면 정강이피로골절이나 족저근막염에 시달릴 수 있어요. 하이패스 단말기 등록은 고속도로 통행료 홈페이지에서 가능한데요. 대신 한달차라도 몸이 좀 만들어졌고, 여태껏 다른운동 깔짝이라도 한 사람이겟지. 컨디션 좋을때 좀 빡세게 뛰어보자 하면 610까진 가능했습니다만 심정지 올뻔 했구요. yuna lee erome
ㅌㅇㅌ ㄷㅇㅅ ㅈㅈ 미국이 일본산 자동차 관세를 15%로 낮추기로 하면서 한국산 자동차 경쟁력에 빨간 불이 켜졌습니다. Hours ago — 홈퍼니싱 리테일 기업 이케아 코리아가 2월 1일부터 28일까지 스웨덴 전통 디저트 셈라semla를 시즌 한정 메뉴로 선보인다고 30일 전했다. 군대 3키로 말고 런 처음인데 600페이스 잡고가면 될까요. 이 게시물들에선 xai가 개발한 ai 모델 그록을 통해 지하돌을 어떻게 선정적 딥페이크 이미지 및 영상으로 바꾸는지 명령어를 공유한다. 현대자동차의 경형 suv 캐스퍼, 오직 공식 홈페이지에서만 구매 가능. yuumtx twitter video tools
[myfans] 카메라맨 까지 불러서 촬영 그리고 요새 일주일에 4번정도 5km 기록재고 웜업러닝 리커버리러닝 까지 포함 7km 약간 넘게 달리는데. 러닝 페이스가 최적의 에너지 효율에 맞춰진 것인지를 보기 위해서, 이번엔 트레드밀 러닝 테스트 결과와 비교해 보았습니다. 하이패스 단말기 등록은 고속도로 통행료 홈페이지에서 가능한데요. 직썰 곽한빈 기자 미국이 오는 16일부터 일본산 자동차와 부품에 15% 관세를 적용하기로 하면서, 한국산 자동차는 25% 고율 관세에 묶여 경쟁 열세에 놓이게 됐다. 하나운용해당 etf는 미국 대표지수 s&p500과 미국. yuumtx 雄
とうま 爆 이 게시물들에선 xai가 개발한 ai 모델 그록을 통해 지하돌을 어떻게 선정적 딥페이크 이미지 및 영상으로 바꾸는지 명령어를 공유한다. 생각보다 430500페이스가 빠른 속도는 아닌듯. 430부터가 진짜 괴물들의 영역입니다. 이언주황명선강득구 등 반청반정청래 성향 read more. 근데 무슨 취미든 그 정도는 해야 하는거 같아보이는건 맞잖아.
チョロメスデイズ 動画 갤러리 본문 영역 훈련일지500페이스 18k 조깅모바일에서 작성 안양천불도저2024. 하이패스 단말기 등록은 고속도로 통행료 홈페이지에서 가능한데요. 조깅 pb +3060초로 잡았을 때 ex 최고기록이 600페이스일 때 조깅은. 이미지 5분 페이스 이하로 어케 뛰었을까. 딱히 정말 빠른거두 아니지만 노력없이 할 수 있는거도 아니긴 하지.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
군대 3키로 말고 런 처음인데 600페이스 잡고가면 될까요., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.