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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › board › view호법 쿠팡 출확 잘줌. 사람도 많고 자차주차도 안되고 메가센터라 물량도 많아서 서울에서 가까운 쿠팡이라는거 이외에 장점이없. 물량 많지도 않고 이형인거 빼곤 모든게 편함조용하고 안바쁘고 사람몇명없고직상차도 다른센터 상차랑 비교하면 누워서 테트리. 그래서 중량센은 안 가는거야 대신 티오가 365일 있지 다 장단이 있음 파손 누적되면 센터 블락임.

강예빈 딸감

디시인사이드 아르바이트 갤러리의 게시글로, 다양한 주제와 경험을 공유하는 커뮤니티입니다. 양지쿠팡 전 쿠팡 통틀어 최고로 안힘든 쿠팡. 쿠팡 아르바이트 마이너 갤러리 호법허브 좋네.

허브만 가는사람 호법 1센터편 쿠팡 아르바이트 마이너, 최저시급이고 기본근무918시인데 거의항상 1시간 연장근무, 계속 반복하다가 점심은 1시, 공정마다 점심시간이 다르니까 꼬옥 물어보도록 식당이 어딘지도 모르는데 지나가시던 지게차기사님이 밥 먹으러 가라고 알려주셔서 알았삼, 식당은 일했던 건물 2층에 있고 급식마냥 골라담고 라면도 있음, Com › ggami0724 › 222817020649쿠팡 호법센터, 관리자 관리자들 기본 인성이 싸가지 없으므로 이거에 휘둘릴 사람은 출근 권장안함, 지금 당신은 난감한 상황에 빠졌습니다.

지게꾼 본인 지게꾼 호법입고는 지게꾼이 전산 진열 보다도 호법센터로 바뀐 이후 2챔버에 출고 생기면서 물건 입고적재 한 상품들이, 취향라인 안산쿠 일은 ㅈㄴ 힘든데 동선,밥,관리자는 ㅅㅌㅊ인 센터, 동네 편의점 알바 지원했는데 갑자기 얘들한테 전화 오더니 라이프 워시퍼 지점에 면접 보러 오라는데 냄새가 구리네, 컨트리휴먼 너무 예뻐요 퓨ㅠㅜㅠㅠㅠㅠㅜㅠ♥♥♥♥ 박살행위 금지 호법센터 지금 당신은 난감한 상황에 빠졌습니다.

문제는 벌레가 ㅈㄴ많고 밥이 가본곳중에 제일 맛없음, 쿠팡 아르바이트 마이너 갤러리 호법허브 좋네. 오히려 노동강도를 고려하면 필자생각엔 꽤 준수함.

게이 키스 짤

Com › mgallery › board쿠팡 호법1센터 갈만함. Com › board › view호법 쿠팡 출확 잘줌. 너무 오랜만에 글을 쓰게 됐네요 회사 일로 정신이 없다가 12월 말로 퇴사를 하고 집에만 있. 매우매우 소규모센터이다 이형물을 취급한다 크기가 매우 큰 물건들이 많기때문에 주로 지게차오더피커들이 입출고를 담당하고 허브는 인간들이. 유미의 세포들 극장판 과 함께 공개를 앞두었다. 계속 반복하다가 점심은 1시, 공정마다 점심시간이 다르니까 꼬옥 물어보도록 식당이 어딘지도 모르는데 지나가시던 지게차기사님이 밥 먹으러 가라고 알려주셔서 알았삼, 식당은 일했던 건물 2층에 있고 급식마냥 골라담고 라면도 있음.

고백 실패 디시

유미의 세포들 극장판 과 함께 공개를 앞두었다.. 쿠팡 2탄은 재고관리&검품icqa 공정 후기다..

쿠팡은 호법이 가장 족같던데 아르바이트 갤러리. 오늘은 쿠팡 알바 출근부터 퇴근까지, 시간별로 나, 1층에서 적재했는데 물량이 기본적으로 상당히 적은편이고 중량물센터로 알았는데 가벼운것도 ㅈㄴ많이. 30 디시앱 설치 전체리스트 로그인 회사소개 광고안내 이용약관 개인. 취향라인 안산쿠 일은 ㅈㄴ 힘든데 동선,밥,관리자는 ㅅㅌㅊ인 센터. 음 신규는 1층에서 시키는데 1층은 개꿀이 맞음.

게이바 알바 235 천안 거기 애들이 싸가지가 없긴 함 05. 쿠팡은 호법이 가장 족같던데 아르바이트 갤러리. 지금 당신은 난감한 상황에 빠졌습니다. 고양센터 장비보다 지게차 사원 비율이 훨씬 많아서 주5일 기준 3일은 잡일주로 콘솔작업 한다고 생각하면 됨. 센터자체도커서 허브공정에서 식당가는길도 어려웠고 지금 생각해도 물건 막 쏟아져서 정신없었던걸로 기억함. 계백순 히토미

걸레 twitter 102 상온센터 졸라더우니까 각오하셈 2024. 물량 많지도 않고 이형인거 빼곤 모든게 편함조용하고 안바쁘고 사람몇명없고직상차도 다른센터 상차랑 비교하면 누워서 테트리. 2200 불패 15 질주1찍고 2500들어오는 파쌀호들이 이미지 조지는중. 지게꾼 본인 지게꾼 호법입고는 지게꾼이 전산 진열 보다도 호법센터로 바뀐 이후 2챔버에 출고 생기면서 물건 입고적재 한 상품들이. 쿠팡은 호법이 가장 족같던데 아르바이트 갤러리. 고 차비 지누 손절

격투 약점 컨트리휴먼 너무 예뻐요 퓨ㅠㅜㅠㅠㅠㅠㅜㅠ♥♥♥♥ 박살행위 금지 호법센터 지금 당신은 난감한 상황에 빠졌습니다. 계속 반복하다가 점심은 1시, 공정마다 점심시간이 다르니까 꼬옥 물어보도록 식당이 어딘지도 모르는데 지나가시던 지게차기사님이 밥 먹으러 가라고 알려주셔서 알았삼, 식당은 일했던 건물 2층에 있고 급식마냥 골라담고 라면도 있음. 사람도 많고 자차주차도 안되고 메가센터라 물량도 많아서 서울에서 가까운 쿠팡이라는거 이외에 장점이없. 매우매우 소규모센터이다 이형물을 취급한다 크기가 매우 큰 물건들이 많기때문에 주로 지게차오더피커들이 입출고를 담당하고 허브는 인간들이. 지게꾼 본인 지게꾼 호법입고는 지게꾼이 전산 진열 보다도 호법센터로 바뀐 이후 2챔버에 출고 생기면서 물건 입고적재 한 상품들이. 경주월드 사망사고 디시

건담 야짤 1층에서 적재했는데 물량이 기본적으로 상당히 적은편이고 중량물센터로 알았는데 가벼운것도 ㅈㄴ많이. 본인이 일좀 힘들어도 다른거 신경쓰기 싫다하면 강추. 최저시급이고 기본근무918시인데 거의항상 1시간 연장근무. 취향라인 안산쿠 일은 ㅈㄴ 힘든데 동선,밥,관리자는 ㅅㅌㅊ인 센터. 쿠팡은 호법이 가장 족같던데 아르바이트 갤러리.

고미숙 얼굴 디시 센터자체도커서 허브공정에서 식당가는길도 어려웠고 지금 생각해도 물건 막 쏟아져서 정신없었던걸로 기억함. 사람도 많고 자차주차도 안되고 메가센터라 물량도 많아서 서울에서 가까운 쿠팡이라는거 이외에 장점이없. 글로벌 최대 종합 부동산 서비스 기업 cbre 코리아는 오는 1월 15일 목, 상업용 부동산 시장 전망과 임차인 전략 인사이트를 공유하는 연례 웨비나 ‘cbre 코리아 2026 시장 전망 cbre korea market outlook 2026’을 온라인으로 개최한다고 밝혔다. 쿠팡은 호법이 가장 족같던데 아르바이트 갤러리. 1층에서 적재했는데 물량이 기본적으로 상당히 적은편이고 중량물센터로 알았는데 가벼운것도 ㅈㄴ많이.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.