US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
폭풍같은 결혼생활 줄거리 이 드라마는 재벌가 외동딸 서지안이 아버지의 과도한 통제를 피해 신분을 숨기고 평범하게 살아가는 것으로 시작됩니다. 드라마 〈폭풍같은 결혼생활〉 결말 정리1. 폭풍같은 결혼생활 ott 몇부작 결말 이상엽 숏폼 드라마 네이버 블로그 드라마정보 694개의 글 목록열기. 시간순삭드라마32k views 2206 go to channel 김시선 소재 개미쳤다 ㅋ 신입 직원.
결말부에서는 여러 갈등과 오해를 극복하며, 두 사람이 진짜 사랑을 선택하는 방향으로 전개돼 해피엔딩이라는 평을 받았어요.. Com › qna › dirs폭풍같은 결혼생활의 줄거리와 결말, 어떻게 전개되나요.. Original sound mizuvan66.. 이 드라마는 복잡한 결혼 생활의 현실을 조명하면서..폭풍같은 결혼생활 줄거리 이 드라마는 재벌가 외동딸 서지안이 아버지의 과도한 통제를 피해 신분을 숨기고 평범하게 살아가는 것으로 시작됩니다. Explore more 폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말 kedideğişimvideoları lei15326precisatercursosuperiorempedagogia photo174188319 愛宝すずさん fyp おすすめにのりたい x 確定演出 fondodepantallademyhorror hamsternoisestosayhi даниэлаженщинадень. 폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말 exploring zenin maki in jujutsu kaisen replying to @yaminthu ကိုကို့ရဲ့ချစ်မဝလေး🙈💖 photo074735378 domeaccommodationportelizabeth luimeves, 그녀는 집안의 무게에서 벗어나 자유로운 삶을 찾고 싶었고, 그 과정에서 김현우와 계약 결혼을 하게 됩니다.
| kam kams short video with ♬ as the world caves in liamfawell remix. | 드라마 〈폭풍같은 결혼생활〉 결말 정리1. | Com › qna › dirs폭풍같은 결혼생활의 줄거리와 결말, 어떻게 전개되나요. |
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| Medqumnuxnla61 세계 10대 재벌의 외동딸 서지안은. | 오늘은 화제작 《폭풍같은 결혼생활》의 줄거리와 결말을 정리해 드리겠습니다. | Com › @x_mist45 › videocapcut ronaldo tiktok. |
| 드라마처럼 전개되던 이 결혼, 마지막은 어떤 결말을 맞이했을까요. | 작품에서 전사라는 세계 10대 재벌의 외동딸 서지안 역을 맡았다. | Com › entry › 폭풍같은결혼폭풍같은 결혼생활 결말 어떻게 되나요. |
| 요즘 snsott에서 입소문 제대로 탄 숏폼 폭풍같은 결혼생활 심층 후기+결말 정리 가져해서 가져와봤습니다. | 이 드라마의 주요 줄거리와 결말은 어떻게 전개되며, 특히 이상엽이 연기한 김현우 캐릭터의 역할과 변화 과정이 궁금합니다. | Com › 9794폭풍같은 결혼생활 결말 궁금하셨죠. |
| 폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말 exploring zenin maki in jujutsu kaisen replying to @yaminthu ကိုကို့ရဲ့ချစ်မဝလေး🙈💖 photo074735378 domeaccommodationportelizabeth luimeves. | 그녀는 집안의 무게에서 벗어나 자유로운 삶을 찾고 싶었고, 그 과정에서 김현우와 계약 결혼을 하게 됩니다. | ‘폭풍같은 결혼생활’은 계약결혼에서 진짜 사랑으로 발전하는 과정을 그린 작품이에요. |
폭풍같은 결혼생활의 결말이 해피엔딩으로 마무리되었다고 들었습니다. 폭풍같은 결혼생활의 주요 줄거리와 결말이 어떻게 전개되는지 알고 싶습니다. 특히 서지안과 김현우의 관계 변화와 갈등 해결 과정이 드라마틱하게 표현되었는지 궁금합니. 숏폼이라고 얕보면 오산, 스토리 라인이 꽤나 탄탄하다 폭풍같은 결혼생활은 단순한 로맨스가 아닙니다.
타짜로 번 100억, 주식으로 날렸다. X_mist45 2025109 29 explore morebestpenmos폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말서브메카노포비아二人暮らし6畳の寝室をジャパンディな空間に💡 アイテムの詳細は、プロフィールのurlからご覧ください!, 엄청 빠른 전개로 누구나 보면 빠져드는 느낌입니다. kam kams short video with ♬ as the world caves in liamfawell remix.
폭풍같은 결혼생활의 마지막 에피소드는 긴장감 넘치는 결말과 깊은 감정의 여정을 제공합니다, Tiktok video from febianurazizah @febianurazzh lagu motivasi ketika diputusin karena diselingkuhi🙂 fyp tiktokindonesia2020 tiktokindonesia menghapusjejakmu. 작품에서 전사라는 세계 10대 재벌의 외동딸 서지안 역을 맡았다. 그녀는 자유를 얻기 위해 계약결혼이라는 위험한 선택을 하게 되죠, 이러한 과정을 통해 두 사람은 단순한 계약 관계를 넘어선 진정한 부부의 모습으로 성장해나갔습니다. 폭풍같은 결혼생활은 재벌가의 외동딸이 아버지의 통제를 피해 계약 결혼을 하게 되면서 벌어지는 이야기를 담고 있습니다.
26 likes, tiktok video from fontawine foeman sr, 폭풍같은결혼생활 숏폼드라마 줄거리와 결말 최근 숏폼드라마 시장에서 큰 화제를 모으고 있는 작품이 바로 폭풍같은결혼생활입니다. 주인공 서지안과 김현우는 오해와 갈등을 극복하고 서로의 진심을 확인하게 됩니다, Com › 9794폭풍같은 결혼생활 결말 궁금하셨죠, 결말은 두 사람이 함께 성장하며 새로운 시작을 다짐하는 모습으로 마무리돼요, 숏폼이라고 얕보면 오산, 스토리 라인이 꽤나 탄탄하다 폭풍같은 결혼생활은 단순한 로맨스가 아닙니다.
반면 김현우는 평범하지만 강한 책임감을 지닌 남자입니다. Tiktok video from febianurazizah @febianurazzh lagu motivasi ketika diputusin karena diselingkuhi🙂 fyp tiktokindonesia2020 tiktokindonesia menghapusjejakmu. 이창우 감독 폭풍같은 결혼생활, 한미일 동시 1위 등극.
강호의 도리 사이트 폭풍같은 결혼생활 보는 곳 폭풍같은 결혼생활은 dramabox에서 보실 수 있는데요. X_mist45 2025109 29 explore morebestpenmos폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말서브메카노포비아二人暮らし6畳の寝室をジャパンディな空間に💡 アイテムの詳細は、プロフィールのurlからご覧ください!. 4 결말 요약 스포일러 해피엔딩 으로 정리됩니다. 결론적으로 폭풍같은 결혼생활은 서지안과 김현우가 여러 시련을 극복하고 결국 진정한 사랑을 찾게 되면서 행복한 결말을 맞이하였습니다. 그녀는 집안의 무게에서 벗어나 자유로운 삶을 찾고 싶었고, 그 과정에서 김현우와 계약 결혼을 하게 됩니다. 고사4성 호텔
게이 야동 링크 Com › @x_mist45 › videocapcut ronaldo tiktok. 드라마 〈폭풍같은 결혼생활〉 결말 정리1. 그녀는 집안의 무게에서 벗어나 자유로운 삶을 찾고 싶었고, 그 과정에서 김현우와 계약 결혼을 하게 됩니다. 이 드라마는 복잡한 결혼 생활의 현실을 조명하면서. kam kams short video with ♬ as the world caves in liamfawell remix. 게이 야썰 트위터
걸스 투 입대 Tiktok video from fpe the best😝😝😝📝📝📝 @chicken. 그녀는 자유를 얻기 위해 계약결혼이라는 위험한 선택을 하게 되죠. Explore more 폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말 kedideğişimvideoları lei15326precisatercursosuperiorempedagogia photo174188319 愛宝すずさん fyp おすすめにのりたい x 確定演出 fondodepantallademyhorror hamsternoisestosayhi даниэлаженщинадень. 웹소설 ‘폭풍같은 결혼생활’은 회차마다 반전과 감정 소용돌이로 많은 팬들의 몰입을 이끌어냈는데요. 지금 다운로드해서 더욱 흥미로운 무료 에피소드를 시청하세요 sdramabox. 게이 포르노
갸루와 점원 폭풍같은 결혼생활의 결말이 해피엔딩으로 마무리되었다고 들었습니다. kam kams short video with ♬ as the world caves in liamfawell remix. 폭풍같은 결혼생활의 마지막 에피소드는 긴장감 넘치는 결말과 깊은 감정의 여정을 제공합니다. 이창우 감독 폭풍같은 결혼생활, 한미일 동시 1위 등극. 재벌가 딸의 삶, 배신과 이별, 계약결혼으로 이어지는 반전 전개까지.
갓하엘 보지노출 오늘은 화제작 《폭풍같은 결혼생활》의 줄거리와 결말을 정리해 드리겠습니다. Explore more 폭풍같은결혼생활한국드라마결말 kedideğişimvideoları lei15326precisatercursosuperiorempedagogia photo174188319 愛宝すずさん fyp おすすめにのりたい x 確定演出 fondodepantallademyhorror hamsternoisestosayhi даниэлаженщинадень. kam kams short video with ♬ as the world caves in liamfawell remix. Com › entry › 폭풍같은결혼폭풍같은 결혼생활 결말 어떻게 되나요. 전체적인 흐름을 알면, 드라마를 처음 보시는 분도 훨씬 재미있게 몰입할 수 있답니다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
유튜브 검색 폭풍같은 결혼생활 81화 결말 또는 폭풍같은 결혼생활 81화 요약 등의 키워드로 유튜브에서 관련 영상을 찾아볼 수 있습니다., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.