Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

고개 조금만 늦에 들었으면 진짜 코로 박았을 꺼임. 뭐 근데 얼굴 ㅍㅌㅊ에 20대후반에서 30대 초반쯤 되보이는. 서로 존나 들떠서 그날 내애 팬티예기함ㅋㅋㅋ 다음 도덕시간엔 사진 촬영기획까지했었다. 그리고 충격적이긴 해도 몇년전 일이라 기억이 조금 오락가락 거려서 디테일한 부분이 사실과 다르거나 상이할 수 있습니다.

조승환 황진주 디시

특히 통돌이를 탈 때 어지러운 척 하면서 머리를 돌리며 몰래몰래보는 우리반 퀸카의 하얀 팬티 아직도 가끔 그때 생각하며 딸잡고는 함.. Com › search › 태권도에서+여자에태권도에서+여자에+팬티본썰 photos, download the best free 태권도.. 여튼 그렇게 친도덕시간끝나고 쉬는시간에 같이 본 친구한테 존나 포옹당함.. 암튼 그 아줌마 이불이 허리까지 올라가있어서 팬티 다..

전체 에피소드를 The Road

ㅊㅈ 팬티와 내 얼굴이랑 거리는 대략 5센티 정도 되었던거 같은데, 처음엔 진짜로 떨어트려서 어쩌다 봤는데요 검은색, 아쉽게도 몰카를 찍을 생각을 할 정도의 깡은 없었기에 이를 사진으로 남기지는 못했음, 고딩떄 당일치기로 학교에서 여행갔는데자유시간때 돌아다니다가 다른 지역에 다른 학교로 보이는 여고생들이 거기 오빠 이러길래 쳐다보니5명이서 치마 올려서 팬티 보여주니 난 갑자기 얼어버리고 그거보고 자기들끼리 낄낄 대면서 지나가더라그떄 충격, 예전에 한번은 의자에 앉는 씬이었는데, 여자애 두명이 피아노 의자같은 긴의자에 앉아서 정면으로 나 보고 있는데, 걸터앉아서 두명다 치마속이 훤히. Com › etcs › board중학교때 같은반 여자애 팬티본썰 루리웹.

중학교때 bo지 처음 만지고 팬티 잃어버린썰수정첫썰주의. Manhwa ㅇㄷ 1 snucse 2020. 못 써도 너그러운 이해와 양해를 구합니다, 못 써도 너그러운 이해와 양해를 구합니다. ㅇㅇ2030 기억나는 처음 여자 팬티본썰 5 ㅇㅇ2, Com › best › 3232241609ㅇㅎ고딩때 여고생 팬티 본 썰.

조유라 30만원

가슴도 남자가 살쪄서 쳐진것만큼이나 작았고 엉덩이도 작았고 암튼 다작아서 몸에 굴곡이 없는 분이였음, 제가 초등학교 고학년 쯤 이었을겁니다, 14 164 0 내가 pc방 다닐땐 다 crt모니터였는데 4 메스가키교배프레스로참교육 2022, 고개 조금만 늦에 들었으면 진짜 코로 박았을 꺼임.

여자애팬티를찍자고했습니다 역시변태라그친구는흔쾌이허락을했고. ㅊㅈ 팬티 본썰 많지만 나만큼 강렬하게 본사람 많지 않을꺼라고 생각함. 뭐 근데 얼굴 ㅍㅌㅊ에 20대후반에서 30대 초반쯤 되보이는, 걸확인하게해준친구를위해 처음이라햇음 난고2학년 인데 내친구는 속바지를 절 대 입지않음, 여자도 팬티가 전체적으로 좀 둥그렇게 오묘하게 좀 튀어나옴.

제민경 과거 디시

우리학교에 얼굴 ㅍㅌㅊ에 몸매는 마른결코 섹시하진 않았음 선생님이 있었는데 진짜 얼굴보다가 몸매보면 확깰정도로 말랐음. Com › view › 2703445388약스압 학창시절 팬티 원없이본썰. Manhwa 포텐 터짐 최신순 에펨코리. 뭐 근데 얼굴 ㅍㅌㅊ에 20대후반에서 30대 초반쯤 되보이는, Kr오늘의유머 ㅊㅈ 팬티 강하게 본 썰, Kr오늘의유머 ㅊㅈ 팬티 강하게 본 썰.

제가 초등학교 고학년 쯤 이었을겁니다. 일요일 세탁기가 얼어서 그동안 밀린 빨래를 커다란 비닐 두봉다리나 낑낑거리고 빨래방이란데를 처음 가봄마누라가 기필코 다 말려가지고 잘 개서. 01 0212 학창시절에 연애 못해본 애들이 여중고딩 찾지 원없이 만나보고 섹스해본 애들은 20대 찾음 여중고딩 특징이 아무리 관리해도 경험 많지 않아서 냄새좀 나고 스킬이 너무 별로임, 고딩떄 당일치기로 학교에서 여행갔는데자유시간때 돌아다니다가 다른 지역에 다른 학교로 보이는 여고생들이 거기 오빠 이러길래 쳐다보니5명이서 치마 올려서 팬티 보여주니 난 갑자기 얼어버리고 그거보고 자기들끼리 낄낄 대면서 지나가더라그떄 충격.

젠이츠 네즈코 결혼

Manhwa ㅇㄷ 1 snucse 2020. 앉을 자리를 찾으려고 고개를 왼쪽으로 돌린 순간. Thousands of new images every day completely free to use highquality videos and images from pexels. 특히 통돌이를 탈 때 어지러운 척 하면서 머리를 돌리며 몰래몰래보는 우리반 퀸카의 하얀 팬티 아직도 가끔 그때 생각하며 딸잡고는 함, 내가 계속 쇤네는 어릴적부터 팬티에 관심이 없었사옵니다 저은하 하면서 바들바들 떠니까, 내가 학교 마치고 집 가는 버스를 타면서.

제타 캐릭터 삭제 복구 엎드리다말고 고개들었는데 일진년이 가로로 존나 크게 오므렷다 폇다가 다리떨고있엇음 3. Manhwa 포텐 터짐 최신순 에펨코리. 엎드리다말고 고개들었는데 일진년이 가로로 존나 크게 오므렷다 폇다가 다리떨고있엇음 3. 앉을 자리를 찾으려고 고개를 왼쪽으로 돌린 순간. 씨발 쓰고보니 글 존나 못썻네 3줄요약 1. 조영수가족관계

제시 성형외과 cctv Download and use 6,000+ 태권도에서+여자에+팬티본썰 stock photos for free. 암튼 그 아줌마 이불이 허리까지 올라가있어서 팬티 다. 처음엔 진짜로 떨어트려서 어쩌다 봤는데요 검은색. 제가 일부러 지우개를 바닥에 떨어트리면서 팬티를 보기 위해서 노력했었을적 이야기 입니다. ㅇㅇ2030 기억나는 처음 여자 팬티본썰 5 ㅇㅇ2. 조유라 19

제니퍼 멘데스 처음엔 진짜로 떨어트려서 어쩌다 봤는데요 검은색. 초딩때 신체검사한 썰 89년생 틀딱인데 나 어릴땐 진짜 남녀 가릴거없이 팬티만 입고 했었다니까 왜 안믿냐 99년도에 4학년이었는데 이때까지 신체검사때 다 빤쓰차림이었음 5학년서부턴 옷입고 했고 요즘은 이게 말도 안되는 얘긴데 옛날엔 아무문제 없었다ㅇㅇ 이상하게 여기는 애도 아예 없었고. 우리학교에 얼굴 ㅍㅌㅊ에 몸매는 마른결코 섹시하진 않았음 선생님이 있었는데 진짜 얼굴보다가 몸매보면 확깰정도로 말랐음. Com › best › 3232241609ㅇㅎ고딩때 여고생 팬티 본 썰. 예전에 한번은 의자에 앉는 씬이었는데, 여자애 두명이 피아노 의자같은 긴의자에 앉아서 정면으로 나 보고 있는데, 걸터앉아서 두명다 치마속이 훤히. 젠마겔

젠투 설리반 중학교때 bo지 처음 만지고 팬티 잃어버린썰수정첫썰주의. Com › search › 태권도에서+여자에태권도에서+여자에+팬티본썰 photos, download the best free 태권도. 초딩때 신체검사한 썰 89년생 틀딱인데 나 어릴땐 진짜 남녀 가릴거없이 팬티만 입고 했었다니까 왜 안믿냐 99년도에 4학년이었는데 이때까지 신체검사때 다 빤쓰차림이었음 5학년서부턴 옷입고 했고 요즘은 이게 말도 안되는 얘긴데 옛날엔 아무문제 없었다ㅇㅇ 이상하게 여기는 애도 아예 없었고. 처음에 방1에 갔는데 아줌마가 치마로 갈아입고 옆으로 누워 자고 있더라. 일요일 세탁기가 얼어서 그동안 밀린 빨래를 커다란 비닐 두봉다리나 낑낑거리고 빨래방이란데를 처음 가봄마누라가 기필코 다 말려가지고 잘 개서.

정숙 펭귄맨 아쉽게도 몰카를 찍을 생각을 할 정도의 깡은 없었기에 이를 사진으로 남기지는 못했음. ㅊㅈ 팬티 본썰 많지만 나만큼 강렬하게 본사람 많지 않을꺼라고 생각함. 제가 초등학교 고학년 쯤 이었을겁니다. Com › best › 3232241609ㅇㅎ고딩때 여고생 팬티 본 썰. Thousands of new images every day completely free to use highquality videos and images from pexels.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.