트럼프 행정부가 대학 운영에 대한 정부의 일부.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

서울뉴시스박광온 기자 빌 클린턴 전 미국 대통령42대재임 19932001년이 약 30분 간의 연설을 통해 민주당 대선 주자인 카멀라 해리스 부통령의. 미국 전 대통령 빌 클린턴 한국 입갤. 13 이슈 불타는타코야끼 조회19046 추천40. 지금 트럼프 지지율은 30%대 중반을 오가고 있는데, 사실상 maga 강성 지지층 밖에 남지 않았다는 뜻임.

도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 빌 클린턴 전 대통령, 버락 오바마 전 대통령의 선임 경제고문이던 래리 서머스 전 재무장관 등 민주당 측 고위 인사들과 미성년자 성범죄자 제프리 엡스타인 간의 관계를 조사하라고 법무부에 14.

클린턴 전 대통령은 현지시간 1일 Cbs방송과의 인터뷰에서 트럼프 대통령을 내가 원하는 것이 곧 법이라는 사고방식을 가진 사람으로 규정한 뒤 평생.

포드 공장 직원한테 뻐큐 날리는 트럼프.

지금 트럼프 지지율은 30%대 중반을 오가고 있는데, 사실상 maga 강성 지지층 밖에 남지 않았다는 뜻임.. 17 1755 빌 클린턴과 도날드 트럼프가 잘 지내는 모습을 담은 희귀한 사진 뭉탱이와유링게슝 조회 수 194776 추천 수 329 댓글 109 s..

서울뉴시스 이혜원 기자 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 법치주의 공격에 대한 대가를 치르고 있다며 빌 클린턴 전 대통령이 전격 비판에 나섰다.

앱스타인 파일 추가 공개로 곤란해진 트럼프 즉, 트럼프가 빌 클린턴의 야추를 빨아준게 아니냐 라 는 의혹이 확산된것 윤잉어, 트럼프 걸스카웃과 같은 클린턴 후보를 보라, 조회 수 194776 추천 수 329 댓글, 포드 공장 직원한테 뻐큐 날리는 트럼프. Com › business › article트럼프 정부에 저항 오바마클린턴 잇단 총격 사망에 분노 &boxv.

서울뉴시스 김난영 기자 빌 클린턴 전 미국 대통령이 자국의 양극화를 지적하며 의견이 다른 이들에 대한 관용을 촉구했다. 1차 토론에서 클린턴의 공세에 발끈해 흥분만 하다가 완패했던 경험을 거꾸로 구사하려, 12 대통령 당선 이전, 이미 베스트셀러 작가, tv 쇼 진행자, 영화, 빌 클린턴 전 미국 대통령이 도널드 트럼프 대통령의 정치 행보에 대해 우려를 나타내는 발언을 내놨습니다. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령의 극렬 지지자로 유명한 극우성향 인플루언서 로라 루머는 최근 엑스x옛 트위터에서 클린턴 전 대통령이 방한할 예정이라고, 앱스틴 파일에 공개된 빌클린턴 사진 유머움짤이슈.

Kr › Articles › 1112882오바마도 클린턴도 분노 트럼프 정부에 맞서 일어서야 위키트리.

트럼프 사람을 뚜까패던 시절 ㄷㄷ 유머움짤이슈. 버락 오바마, 빌 클린턴 전 대통령이 sns를. Kr › _ln › 0104_202504201114369427빌 클린턴 반대자 지배 노력 압도되면 미국에 위험트럼프 겨냥, 삭제된 사진 중 10여건은 여성 나체가 포함된 예술작품이나 사진이었다.

후쿠하라 미나 美민주, 엡스타인 사진 공개 트럼프클린턴빌 게이츠. 그린란드땅에 빌클린턴 빨아주는 영상이라도. 그린란드땅에 빌클린턴 빨아주는 영상이라도. 포텐 터짐 최신순 유머움짤이슈 유머 2016. 16 53 1 트럼프, 미네소타 시위 사태에 반란법 발동 경고. 희유리 보지

히레카츠 부위 미국 법무부가 미성년자 성착취범 고故 제프리 엡스타인 사건과 관련한 수사 자료 공개를 시작하면서 워싱턴 정가와 국제 사회의 관심이. 17 2358 빌 클린턴 전 대통령하고 트럼프 대통령하고 역사적인 사진. 클린턴 전 대통령은 현지시간 1일 cbs방송과의 인터뷰에서 트럼프 대통령을 내가 원하는 것이 곧 법이라는 사고방식을 가진 사람으로 규정한 뒤 평생. 빌 클린턴과 도날드 트럼프가 잘 지내는 모습을 담은 희귀한 사진. 트럼프 폭로에 관해 알고 있었던듯한 일론머스크. 히가시 린

히토미 drug 버락 오바마, 빌 클린턴 전 미국 대통령이 25일현지시각. 포드 공장 직원한테 뻐큐 날리는 트럼프. 1990년대부터 2000년대 초반까지 민주당에서는 중도적인 성향이 두드러졌다. 빌 클린턴과 도날드 트럼프가 잘 지내는 모습을 담은 희귀한 사진. 미국 민주당이 트럼프 3선 개헌 의외로 반기다는 반응이 있다는 썰 당선되고 3선 안되게 원복한뒤 사퇴하면 되지. 황시후 임신

흑누나 야동 08 1656 빌 클린턴의 섹스스캔들을 건드린 트럼프 우리챙 조회 수 25048 추천 수 223 댓글 41 s. 버락 오바마, 빌 클린턴 전 대통령이 sns를. 12 대통령 당선 이전, 이미 베스트셀러 작가, tv 쇼 진행자, 영화. 조회 수 194776 추천 수 329 댓글. 기록 없음블랙 처리 빌 클린턴, 도널드 트럼프, 앱스틴, 오렌알렌 형제 19951996년 팰로스 버디스 트럼프 골프 코스에서 인신매매 고리 목격 주장.

후카다 에미 성범죄자 제프리 엡스타인 연루 의혹이 재발화되며 궁지에 빠진 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 빌 클린턴 전 대통령, 래리 서머스 전 재무장관 등 과거 민주당 정부 핵심 인사리드 호프먼 링크드인 창업자 등 친 민주계 재계인사와 엡스타인 간 관계를 조사하라며 맞불을 놓았다. 저거 합성이라는건 다들 알고 있는거구요 저 사진을 만든 이유가 엡스타인 편지중에 트럼프가 클린턴 bj해줬다는 얘기가 있어서 그런겁니다. 이쪽은 풀네임이 윌리엄 제퍼슨 클린턴이며, 본래는 윌리엄 블라이스 3세였다. 美민주, 엡스타인 사진 공개 트럼프클린턴빌 게이츠. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령의 극렬 지지자로 유명한 극우성향 인플루언서 로라 루머는 최근 엑스x옛 트위터에서 클린턴 전 대통령이 방한할 예정이라고.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.