Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

가끔 토요코인 또는 도큐 도요코선 과 관련된. 타칭 토요코의 하울 오가와 마사토모포텐에 올라왔듯이 토요코키즈들이 각종 범죄를 저지르는 일이 번잡해지는 와중에 그들을 돕겠다는 그룹이. 오가와씨 역시 미성년자 성폭행 혐의로 재판을 받다가 11월 15일 뜬금없이 구치소에서 죽어 누가 죽였을려나. Fanmore 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 가출 소녀 토요코 키즈의 일본 문화와 반응을 탐구하세요.

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Bl드라마갤

그런데 오늘은 일본에만 있는 조금 독특한 사회문제에 대한 이야기를 해볼까 하는데요 그것은 바로 토요코 키즈 입니다 이 토요코 키즈는 일본의 10대 청소년들이 가출하면서 발생한 사회 문제 이죠, 토요코키즈 미성년자 성관계한 하울의 수법 인기 게시물. 그나마 토요코 키즈를 통제하며 마약을 판매하거나 아이들을. 일본에서 미성년자와 관계하다 잡힌 쓰레기의 범행 수법, 보통 이런 아이들이 하나의 문화처럼 한 곳에 모이는데 그곳이 토호 옆이고 하나의 장이 되고 무대가 되어 아이들이 몰리다가 이제는 그들을 토요코키즈라고 표현하게 되었습니다.

Fanmore 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 가출 소녀 토요코 키즈의 일본 문화와 반응을 탐구하세요. 그런데 오늘은 일본에만 있는 조금 독특한 사회문제에 대한 이야기를 해볼까 하는데요 그것은 바로 토요코 키즈 입니다 이 토요코 키즈는 일본의 10대 청소년들이 가출하면서 발생한 사회 문제 이죠. 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ는 가부키초의 토호 トー 시네마즈 옆 横요코 광장 근처에서 노숙을 하거나 거리를 배회하는 가정폭력으로 인한 가출 청소년을 일컫는 용어로, 2020년대 들어 일본의 사회 문제로 대두되고 있다, 오가와씨 역시 미성년자 성폭행 혐의로 재판을 받다가 11월 15일 뜬금없이 구치소에서 죽어 누가 죽였을려나.

Baldur's Gate 3 Script Extender

좋아요 44개,kitten @peter. 토요코키즈가 아니라 매독키즈라고 하면 아무도 안할 것 같은데나쁜 곳에 멋진 뉘앙스의 이름 지어주는 거 사라져야 됨, 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ는 가부키초의 토호 トー 시네마즈 옆 横요코 광장 근처에서 노숙을 하거나 거리를 배회하는 가정폭력으로 인한 가출 청소년을 일컫는 용어로, 2020년대 들어 일본의 사회 문제로 대두되고 있다. 일본의 사회문제 토요코키즈 먼저, 토요코키즈란 가부키초의 토호 시네마옆에서 가출청소년들을 지칭하는 말임 얘네들 때문에 일본내에선 각종 사건사고가 끊이지 않고있음 보라색으로 염색한 남성이 토요코키즈를 도울려고 가부키초만지회 라는 봉사단체를 조직하고 주먹밥 나눠주기, 거리, 실제로 토요코 키즈라는 사회적 문제가 일어나기 전부터 비행 청소년이 중년 남성에게 퍽치기를 저지르거나 원조교제를 미끼로 삥땅치는 게 성행했으며, 정화라는 명목으로 노숙자 살인을 행하기도 했다, 실제로 토요코 키즈라는 사회적 문제가 일어나기 전부터 비행 청소년이 중년 남성에게 퍽치기를 저지르거나 원조교제를 미끼로 삥땅치는 게 성행했으며, 정화라는 명목으로 노숙자 살인을 행하기도 했다.

이들은 대부분 가출 청소년들로서 가정폭력 내지 경제력등과 같은 부모와의 마찰로 인해 거리로 나온 아이들입니다. 덕분에 기존 가부키초 삐끼 들과 토요코 키즈, 일반인 관광객들과 음주흡연의 흔적이 뒤섞여 매우 난잡한 광경이 연출되었다. 그런데 이렇게 되자 이런 미성년자를 등쳐먹으려는 야쿠자와 한구레 등 조폭들이 지원 단체들을 공격합니다, 좋아요 44개,kitten @peter.

Boole 히토미

미디어를 보니 일본에 토요코 키즈가 있다고 들었습니다.. 토요코 키즈는 무엇이며 불법인건지 그리고 우리나라에도 이런게 있는건지 궁금합니다..

2022년 6월 22일, 토요코 키즈 관련 자원봉사 단체인 가부키초 만지회歌舞伎町卍會의 대표로 토요코의 하울이라는 별명으로 불리던 오가와 마사토모라는 32세의 남성이, 일본인시오리 일본반응 일본 한일 문화, 토요코 키즈 봉사활동하면서 실상은 미성년자 성관계 했던, 덕분에 기존 가부키초 삐끼 들과 토요코 키즈, 일반인 관광객들과 음주흡연의 흔적이 뒤섞여 매우 난잡한 광경이 연출되었다. Suxwxm 지뢰계와 양산계를 딱히 구분해서 말한다기보다는, 양산계가 오히려 지뢰계의 하위개념인 느낌이 read more.

bubbleteexl patreon kemono 일본의 사회문제 토요코키즈 먼저, 토요코키즈란 가부키초의 토호 시네마옆에서 가출청소년들을 지칭하는 말임 얘네들 때문에 일본내에선 각종 사건사고가 끊이지 않고있음 보라색으로 염색한 남성이 토요코키즈를 도울려고 가부키초만지회 라는 봉사단체를 조직하고 주먹밥 나눠주기, 거리. 토요코키즈가 아니라 매독키즈라고 하면 아무도 안할 것 같은데나쁜 곳에 멋진 뉘앙스의 이름 지어주는 거 사라져야 됨. 실베간 토요코키즈 봉사활동하면서실상은 미성년자 성관계 했던 용의자 일명하울그의 범죄 수법나랑 할래. 그나마 토요코 키즈를 통제하며 마약을 판매하거나 아이들을. 협박장은 기본에 원조교제 누명 등으로 고소고발, 심지어 암살까지 시켰죠. backstage at oushun academy 5

bj유디 근황 이들은 대부분 가출 청소년들로서 가정폭력 내지 경제력등과 같은 부모와의 마찰로 인해 거리로 나온 아이들입니다. 가출 후 온갖 범죄를 저지르는 아이들 일본의 사회문제 토요코키즈에 대한 이야기 입니다 세계 각국에는 여러가지 사회 문제들이 있습니다 저희나라에도 저출산 문제라던가 고령화 문제, 젠더 갈등, 정치 갈등, oecd 자살율 1위 등 수많은 문제들이 있죠 당연히 다른 외국에도 이러한 문제들은 다들. Suxwxm 지뢰계와 양산계를 딱히 구분해서 말한다기보다는, 양산계가 오히려 지뢰계의 하위개념인 느낌이 read more. 요즘 가장 유행하고 화제인 패션 중 하나이다. 2022년 6월 22일, 토요코 키즈 관련 자원봉사 단체인 가부키초 만지회歌舞伎町卍會의 대표로 토요코의 하울이라는 별명으로 불리던 오가와 마사토모라는 32세의 남성이. bekka miss magnetic

bj 꼴림 잼늬 블로그에서는 다양한 주제와 정보를 제공합니다. 미디어를 보니 일본에 토요코 키즈가 있다고 들었습니다. 그런데 오늘은 일본에만 있는 조금 독특한 사회문제에 대한 이야기를 해볼까 하는데요 그것은 바로 토요코 키즈 입니다 이 토요코 키즈는 일본의 10대 청소년들이 가출하면서 발생한 사회 문제 이죠. 토요코 키즈에 대한 문서, トー横キッズ토요코 키즈는 도쿄 신주쿠구에 있는 가부키초의 toho 시네마즈토호トー 시네마즈 옆 横요코 광장 근처에서 노숙하거나 거리를 배회하는 가출 청소년을 일컫는 용어로, 2020년대 들어 일본의 사회 문제로 대두되고 있다. 2022년 6월 22일, 토요코 키즈 관련 자원봉사 단체인 가부키초 만지회歌舞伎町卍會의 대표로 토요코의 하울이라는 별명으로 불리던 오가와 마사토모라는 32세의 남성이. bj유빈

bj눈나눈나눈나 라방 다만 이런 현상으로 가출 청소년이 크게 늘어났다는 판단은 조금 성급할 수도 있다. 그런데 이렇게 되자 이런 미성년자를 등쳐먹으려는 야쿠자와 한구레 등 조폭들이 지원 단체들을 공격합니다. 아니면 여기서 쫓겨나고 니네집에 돌아. 다만 이런 현상으로 가출 청소년이 크게 늘어났다는 판단은 조금 성급할 수도 있다. 오가와씨 역시 미성년자 성폭행 혐의로 재판을 받다가 11월 15일 뜬금없이 구치소에서 죽어 누가 죽였을려나.

bj 효린 야동 토요코키즈가 아니라 매독키즈라고 하면 아무도 안할 것 같은데나쁜 곳에 멋진 뉘앙스의 이름 지어주는 거 사라져야 됨. 덕분에 기존 가부키초 삐끼 들과 토요코 키즈, 일반인 관광객들과 음주흡연의 흔적이 뒤섞여 매우 난잡한 광경이 연출되었다. 미디어를 보니 일본에 토요코 키즈가 있다고 들었습니다. 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ 토요코 키즈 トー横キッズ는 가부키초의 토호 トー 시네마즈 옆 横요코 광장 근처에서 노숙을 하거나 거리를 배회하는 가정폭력으로 인한 가출 청소년을 일컫는 용어로, 2020년대 들어 일본의 사회 문제로 대두되고 있다. 실베간 토요코키즈 봉사활동하면서실상은 미성년자 성관계 했던 용의자 일명하울그의 범죄 수법나랑 할래.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.