이곳에서는 네온사인이 화려하게 빛나는 밤거리를 걸으며 다양한 음식을 즐길 수 있습니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

도톤보리의 필수 명소들, 즐길거리를 요약해서 총정리해 소개해드릴게요. Com › water_trees › 223605443150오사카 카미나리스시 도톤보리 초밥 맛집 찾는다면 네이버 블로그. 이 글에서는 도톤보리 에리어를 대표하는 관광스팟을 엄선하여 소개합니다. 다종다양하고 개성있는 간판들이 북적북적하게 사람들을 맞이합니다.

카메탄kametain 사이트에 접속하면 일본 주요 도시의 실시간 영상을 볼 수 있어요.

특히 저녁 시간에 더욱 매력적인데, 네온사인과 조명이 화려하게 빛나는 도톤보리의 모습을 배 위에서 즐길 수 있습니다.

이미 한국인들 사이에 넘나 유명한 곳으로, 웨이팅 필수라는 건 알고 가셔야 합니다.

오사카 스시 맛집 카미나리스시 솔직 후기 가성비 별로.. 현지인이 추천하는 관광명소를 둘러봅시다..

이 글에서는 도톤보리 에리어를 대표하는 관광스팟을 엄선하여 소개합니다.

도톤보리 즐길거리 총정리 오사카 도톤보리 명소는 강을 중심으로 수많은 맛집과 구경거리가 가득한 관광지에요. 인당 1세트씩 시키고 꼭 추가주문하세요 ㅠㅠ, 카미나리스시는 이렇게 모두 카운터석으로 되어, 현지인이 추천하는 관광명소를 둘러봅시다.

오사카 스시 맛집 도톤보리 카미나리스시 오마카세 솔직후기 네이버 블로그 2022, 오사카 14개의 글 목록열기. Com › blog › allaboutosakadotonbori오사카 도톤보리에 관한 모든 것. 오사카에서 대관람차 타는 것을 끝으로 투어를 모두 마친 우리는 배가 고팠다.

자리는 운좋게 두자리 비어서 바로 들어갔고,밖에 대기가 좀 생기긴 했어요.

오사카 스시 맛집 카미나리스시 한국인 유명 도톤보리 스시 맛집 솔직후기 비추 네이버 블로그 osakakyoto 16개의 글 목록열기, 관광객이라면 이곳에서 간판과 함께 사진을 찍어야 하는, 오사카 중에서도 인기 관광지예요, 시간이 지나면서 도톤보리는 번성하여 오늘날 오사카의 대표적인 관광 명소로 자리 잡게 되었습니다, 16세기 물길을 오사카 성하촌 난바로 흐르게 만들며 탄생한 인공 수도이다. 토리입니다ෆ 오사카에서 초밥 먹고 왔어요 카미나리스시 다녀왔습니다 📍kaminari sushi 🚙주차, 도톤보리 근방 음식점과 길거리음식 리뷰를 간단하게 남기려고 합니다.

도톤보리의 필수 명소들, 즐길거리를 요약해서 총정리해 소개해드릴게요.. 첫번째는 1년만에 재방문한 카미나리스시 에요.. 16세기 물길을 오사카 성하촌 난바로 흐르게 만들며 탄생한 인공 수도이다.. Com › posts › 366도톤보리 완벽 가이드 최고의 음식과 명소를 한눈에..

오사카 도톤보리 스시 맛집, 카미나리스시 오마카세 by 조이 2023. 원래는 카미나리스시 가려고 마음 먹고 왔다, 도톤보리, 난바 초밥 네이버 블로그 해외 맛집 18개의 글 목록열기, 오픈런으로 방문해 웨이팅 없이 입장할 수 있었지만, 3,980엔 오마카세 세트의 가성비는 기대에 미치지 못했다🥲 이번 포스팅에서는 오사카 도톤보리 스시 맛집 카미나리스시를 솔직하게 리뷰해볼 예정. 시간이 지나면서 도톤보리는 번성하여 오늘날 오사카의 대표적인 관광 명소로 자리 잡게 되었습니다.

엔믹스 얼싸 오사카 도톤보리 초밥 맛집 카미나리스시 초밥 솔직후기 네이버 블로그 여행 56개의 글 목록열기. 도쿄_가부키쵸cctv 도쿄_시부야cctv 도쿄_신주쿠cctv 사포로cctv 오사카_도톤보리cctv. Japan목록열기 japan 일본여행 올여름 휴가는 교토오사카 여행 day3 닌넨자카산넨카자 교토 royal host 오사카 다이마루백화점파르코신사이바시카미나리스시도톤보리. 오사카 스시 맛집 카미나리스시 도톤보리 초밥 추천 네이버 블로그 23 오사카 20개의 글 목록열기. 오사카 스시 맛집 카미나리스시 도톤보리 초밥 추천 네이버 블로그 23 오사카 20개의 글 목록열기. 언더그라운드 아이돌 애니

어린상사 실사화 보는곳 도톤보리 초밥 맛집 카미나리 스시 메뉴판 참고하세요. 현지인, 한국인 그리고 서양인까지 정말 많은 손님들로 핫한 곳이라 웨이팅까지. 오사카하면 제일 먼저 떠오르는 명소 도톤보리. 카메라가 실시간으로 방송하여 shinsaibashisuji와 ebisubashisuji의 쇼핑 지구를 연결하는 dotonbori street과 ebisubashi 에비스 다리를 전망합니다. 카미나리스시 밖에 있는 메뉴와 가격도 슬쩍 찍어봤구요. 에로박스

야코 고희서 이미 한국인들 사이에 넘나 유명한 곳으로, 웨이팅 필수라는 건 알고 가셔야 합니다. 도톤보리 초밥 맛집 카미나리 스시 메뉴판 참고하세요. 16세기 물길을 오사카 성하촌 난바로 흐르게 만들며 탄생한 인공 수도이다. 첫번째 사진은 제가 나온모습을 캡쳐한거예요 5분도 안된 싱싱한. 오사카라고하면 음식의 거리이지만, 그 밖에도 관광 할 명소가 많이 있습니다. 엄마 근친

야청 첫번째 사진은 제가 나온모습을 캡쳐한거예요 5분도 안된 싱싱한. 토리입니다ෆ 오사카에서 초밥 먹고 왔어요 카미나리스시 다녀왔습니다 📍kaminari sushi 🚙주차. Com › posts › 366도톤보리 완벽 가이드 최고의 음식과 명소를 한눈에. 오사카하면 제일 먼저 떠오르는 명소 도톤보리. 첫날에 후쿠요시 먼저 가느냐고 카미나리 스시집을 뒤로 했는데, 순서를 바꿨어야했나 저녁 7시쯤 갔더니 도톤보리맛집 전부는 웨이팅이 어마어마 했다.

어나더레드 홈페이지 일단 블로그나 브이로그에서 우리나라 사람들이 가봐야지 하는 곳이나 맛집 리스트에 있는. 현지인이 추천하는 관광명소를 둘러봅시다. 이 글에서는 도톤보리 에리어를 대표하는 관광스팟을 엄선하여 소개합니다. 오사카 스시 맛집 카미나리스시 한국인 유명 도톤보리 스시 맛집 솔직후기 비추 네이버 블로그 osakakyoto 16개의 글 목록열기. 이곳에서는 네온사인이 화려하게 빛나는 밤거리를 걸으며 다양한 음식을 즐길 수 있습니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.