Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

망코는 여성의 성기를 가리키는 순일본어로, 완전히 비속어이기 때문에 일본어 사전에는 있지만 실생활에서는 잘 쓰이지 않으며 아예 방송금지용어로 분류되어 라디오나 tv를 비롯한 대중매체에서는 절대 쓰이지 않는다. 友人と交際すること。また、その友人。 교우 관계. 日本語でいう「親友」 は 韓国語 で何と言いますか？. 접두사 오 お를 붙여서 오친친 おちんちん이라고도 한다.

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Jp › language › 2663例文付き「友達」の韓国語表現とそれぞれのニュアンス.. 애기 고추가 카모 鴨, かも, 오리 모양과 닮은 것에 유래한다..

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망코는 여성의 성기를 가리키는 순일본어로, 완전히 비속어이기 때문에 일본어 사전에는 있지만 실생활에서는 잘 쓰이지 않으며 아예 방송금지용어로 분류되어 라디오나 tv를 비롯한 대중매체에서는 절대 쓰이지 않는다.. そこで今回は「友達」の韓国語「친구 チング」の意味と使い方、その他様々な友達の呼び方を徹底解説！ 「友達」の韓国語を上手く使いこなせれば、韓国人の友達を増やしていくのに役立てる事が出来ますよ！..

韓国語で書くと「친코」です。読み方はchinkoとほぼ同じですね。 韓国語の意味を探してみたのですが、無いので外国語の当て字なのでしょうか。. 3分韓国語：친구（第78回） 안녕～！ 韓国語とっちゃんです。 いよいよ本日より、正式に激音・濃音をご紹介します！ 激音・濃音とは、子音の一種なのですが、. 文化観光部2000年式翻字, chingu.

이, 맹둥 남친 라방

それではさっそく色んな種類の友達をご紹介します。日本語とハングル表記・読み方も一緒に添えながら説明していきますね！ 友達「친구（チング）, 韓国人の間では、時々「친친리」というスラングを使います。これは「親しい友達リスト」（친）한친구리스트を意味します。時々、外国人がこの言葉の read more. 韓国語「チング」の意味は「友達」！親友や女友達・男友達はどういうの？彼氏彼女は？韓国語で「友達」という意味の「チング」。知っている人も多い単語なのではないでしょうか。. Com › postview일본 실트 친코 ちんこ 쇼부. Com › korean › friendチング韓国語で「友達」の意味！친구の使い方・発音・例文を徹底. Com › life_study › 642811re このようなことですみません コミュニティ・掲示板 ソウル.

中国の都市の読み方を中国語、日本語、英語（ピンイン）で整理、リスト化しました。 表記は日本語の常用漢字と簡体字、カタカナの中国語発音、日本語の読み方、ピンインを併記。中国に関連した仕事をしている私自身が中国の都市名の呼び方について混乱するので、自分用メモです。, ちんぼ 친보, ちんぽ 친포, ちんちん 친친, おちんちん 오친친, ちんこ 친코, おちんこ 오친코, イチモツ 一物, 이치모츠 등 다양한 표현이 있다, 어떤 일본인이 omanko_korea chinko_china를 닉네임으로 쓰길래 궁금해서 물어봅니다, 私が친친と書いた理由は、親友のことを「친」한 「친」구と覚えたので、この頭文字を取ったら친친だと思ったんです。そうすると、二本の親友を表す read more. 日本語でいう「親友」 は 韓国語 で何と言いますか？. ソウルナビのコミュニティ・掲示板。 re このようなことですみません.

윤진 Porn

韓国人の間では、時々「친친리」というスラングを使います。これは「親しい友達リスト」（친）한친구리스트を意味します。時々、外国人がこの言葉の read more, Re このようなことですみません コミュニティ・掲示板, 친친에 대한 문서, 한자어로는 진진 珍珍이라 쓰며, 국립국어원식 표기로는 진 친이 된다, Com › korean › friendチング韓国語で「友達」の意味！친구の使い方・発音・例文を徹底. 일본 친코, 오친코 ちんこ、おちんこ 남성의 생식기관 중 음경을 뜻하는 속어이다, 韓国語勉強をしてる方には必須とも言える是非覚えておきたい単語です。 音声付きなので、聞いてネイティブ発音を練習してみてください♪ 韓国語「친구」とは？ 意味は「友達、友人、友、親友」などがあります。 ハングルの読み方は チングです。.

813 followers, 689 following, 134 posts chinkko 친코 @chinkko__ on instagram 뮤트톤, 일상☁️ 코덕맞팔 ️ 𝑫𝑴💌 협찬제공 ️ 𝑫𝑴💌 𝒐𝒓 𝑬𝒎𝒂𝒊𝒍 📧. 친구とは、友達の韓国語ページ kpedia. 今回は 친구 チング の正しい発音や意味はもちろん、実際の使い方、「彼氏」「彼女」を意味する 남자친구 ナムジャチング ・ 여자친구 ヨジャチング との違い、さらに韓国特有の年齢による使い分けまで徹底解説します。, 先日、知り合いの韓国人の方に『マッドニ』あるいは『マットニ』という言葉を言われました。 はっきりと聞き取れなかったので、なんとなくでしか 覚えておりません。 おそらく、末っ子関係の意味合いだと思います。 どんな意味だったのか知りたいです。.

접두사 오 お를 붙여서 오친친 おちんちん이라고도 한다. Com › entry › 20200508あまり知られていない韓国語친구の意味を勉強しよう！ 字幕翻訳, 発音ガイド： 친한 친구 の発音を韓国語のネイティブ話者から学びましょう。 친한 친구 の訳語と音声, Com › bikezzang › 222675872053일본 실트 친코 ちんこ 쇼부. 韓国語で友達は「친구チング」と言います。 友達の他にも仲間という意味でも使い、, 이를 진나이 토모노리 가 개그로 승화시키기도 했다.

윤녕 브랜드

친구 友達 friend 音（親友） 1. 일본 트렌드 2회 등극 친코승부 ちんこ勝負 일본어 칭코친코는 어린애들이 남자 고추를 말할 때 주로, Com › bikezzang › 222675872053일본 실트 친코 ちんこ 쇼부. Com › entry › 20200508あまり知られていない韓国語친구の意味を勉強しよう！ 字幕翻訳, 私が친친と書いた理由は、親友のことを「친」한 「친」구と覚えたので、この頭文字を取ったら친친だと思ったんです。そうすると、二本の親友を表す read more, そこで今回は「友達」の韓国語「친구 チング」の意味と使い方、その他様々な友達の呼び方を徹底解説！ 「友達」の韓国語を上手く使いこなせれば、韓国人の友達を増やしていくのに役立てる事が出来ますよ！.

윤공주모음 일본 트렌드 2회 등극 친코승부 ちんこ勝負 일본어 칭코친코는 어린애들이 남자 고추를 말할 때 주로. 한日 sub韓国人にとって友達って？ 한국인에게 친구란. 私が친친と書いた理由は、親友のことを「친」한 「친」구と覚えたので、この頭文字を取ったら친친だと思ったんです。そうすると、二本の親友を表す read more. 私が친친と書いた理由は、親友のことを「친」한 「친」구と覚えたので、この頭文字を取ったら친친だと思ったんです。そうすると、二本の親友を表す read more. 아래 설명 있음 이름도 멕시칸 스타일이고, 여기 저기서 멕시칸 타코 관련 음식을 엄청 세일한다. 이누이 신쥬 디시

유튜브 wav 추출 친친에 대한 문서, 한자어로는 진진 珍珍이라 쓰며, 국립국어원식 표기로는 진 친이 된다. 韓国語「チング」の意味は「友達」！親友や女友達・男友達はどういうの？彼氏彼女は？韓国語で「友達」という意味の「チング」。知っている人も多い単語なのではないでしょうか。. 発音ガイド： 친구 の発音を韓国語のネイティブ話者から学びましょう。 친구 の訳語と音声. そこで今回は「友達」の韓国語「친구 チング」の意味と使い方、その他様々な友達の呼び方を徹底解説！ 「友達」の韓国語を上手く使いこなせれば、韓国人の友達を増やしていくのに役立てる事が出来ますよ！. 日本語でいう「親友」 は 韓国語 で何と言いますか？. 윤수빈 남친

윤공주 펠라 韓国語勉強をしてる方には必須とも言える是非覚えておきたい単語です。 音声付きなので、聞いてネイティブ発音を練習してみてください♪ 韓国語「친구」とは？ 意味は「友達、友人、友、親友」などがあります。 ハングルの読み方は チングです。. ○ 1 韓国語で「友達」は「チング친구」 ・韓国では歳が同じでないと「チング」と言わない ・韓国語で友達を意味する「チング」と呼べる条件 ・韓国語. 同輩を親しみをこめて呼ぶときや, またはあまり好きでない人をぞんざいに言う時の称 君. Com › korean › friendチング韓国語で「友達」の意味！친구の使い方・発音・例文を徹底. そこで今回は「友達」の韓国語「친구 チング」の意味と使い方、その他様々な友達の呼び方を徹底解説！ 「友達」の韓国語を上手く使いこなせれば、韓国人の友達を増やしていくのに役立てる事が出来ますよ！. 율리시아 파랑돌

윤계상 이하늬 사진 Re このようなことですみません コミュニティ・掲示板. 어떤 일본인이 omanko_korea chinko_china를 닉네임으로 쓰길래 궁금해서 물어봅니다. Com › postview일본 실트 친코 ちんこ 쇼부. 친친에 대한 문서, 한자어로는 진진 珍珍이라 쓰며, 국립국어원식 표기로는 진 친이 된다. 이를 진나이 토모노리 가 개그로 승화시키기도 했다.

이렇게 귀여운 검은 고양이 이야기 Jp › language › 2663例文付き「友達」の韓国語表現とそれぞれのニュアンス. 2 최종장 에서 재등장했을 때 이렇게 소개했다. 文化観光部2000年式翻字, chingu. 日本語でいう「親友」 は 韓国語 で何と言いますか？. Com › korean › friendチング韓国語で「友達」の意味！친구の使い方・発音・例文を徹底.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.