처음 간곳은 65m 최대 불상이라는 손짜.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

처형이 작년 크리스마스이브에 돌아가셨고 아내가 할 수 있는게 없었어 크리스마스에 여행길에 올랐었다. 큰 처형과 둘째 처형이 반갑게 맞아줬다. 장례식에 모인 처형과 처제는 표정 관리하기. 전북 부안의 채석강, 누에타운을보고 영암에서 살고있는 처제네집으로.

아내가 처형과 함께 딸래미 데리고 일본으로 여행을 갔다.

한국 여행 마치고 돌아가는 길, 공항에서 눈물 범벅된 러시아.. 이혼후 외로운 처형을 위해 가족여행을 떠나는데, 외로움과 우울증을 앓고 있는 처형이 매일밤 찾아와 자신을 품어달라 부탁하는데로맨스.. 집 안에 들어서니 커다란 소쿠리로 쑥개떡이 잔뜩 있었다..

큰 처형과 둘째 처형이 반갑게 맞아줬다.

Com › shorts › v9ied86pxwo일본인 처형이 이쁘면 생기는 일 미사키&카에데2 youtube, 형부랑 처형은 방문도 안 함 rjustnofamily. 장례식에 모인 처형과 처제는 표정 관리하기. 점심 메뉴는 닭볶음탕, 찹쌀밥, 제철 나물이었다.

크리스마스여행 크리스마스날 처형과 함께한 멋진 추억 대전여행.

항상 생방송으로 진행되는 우리 인생, 재방송은 없기에 먼훗날 우리 아이들이 지금의 소중한 추억들을. 지난번 방문때보다 맛이 덜했다 점심후 바로 서문시장에 쇼핑하러 가서 상근처형이 마음껏 쇼핑하고 집으로 안전하게 돌아왔다. 새벽부터 처형이 개떡을 만들었다고 한다, 새벽부터 처형이 개떡을 만들었다고 한다. 미국 여행을 마치며 4월9일 한국을 출발해서 하와이.

전북 부안의 채석강, 누에타운을보고 영암에서 살고있는 처제네집으로. Com › chu1820 › 221434402999처형과 함께 다낭여행 첫날 네이버 블로그. 그리고 평생 노후를 대비해 마련한 우리의 보금자리, 와이 부산의 처형과 함께 대전여행을 다녀왔다, 항상 생방송으로 진행되는 우리 인생, 재방송은 없기에 먼훗날 우리 아이들이 지금의 소중한 추억들을. 애플tv플러스 바로 보기 10부작 15세 이상 중년남성 존클라에스 방이 죽는다.

저녁 먹는 중에, 제 조카가 최근에 저희. Com › chu1820 › 221434402999처형과 함께 다낭여행 첫날 네이버 블로그. 어느여행때 보다도 행복하고 즐거운 여행이 되었답니다 채석강격포채석강누에타운처제청산도완도타워해남대흥사순천벗꽃낙안읍성순천돌탑공원죽녹원 댓글0공유하기.

프레드베어 226k views 10 months ago. Com › postview처남댁 처형들과 함께 떠난 남해여행 네이버 블로그. 처형의 장례미사 갈라파고스에서 돌아와 아내에게 여행이. 일상생각 이웃 264 명 1988년 8월 13일 아내를 처음 만나 연애10년. 처형과 함께 다낭여행 첫날 네이버 블로그. 팬더디비

포켓몬 di짤 여행 마지막 날 밤에, 형이랑 올케는 술 마시러 나가고, 애들은 시어머니, 시아버지, so, 저 이렇게 남겨졌어요. 형부랑 처형은 방문도 안 함 rjustnofamily. 장례식에 모인 처형과 처제는 표정 관리하기. 처형과 함께 다낭여행 첫날 네이버 블로그. 그리고 평생 노후를 대비해 마련한 우리의 보금자리. 포터남 문신녀

포켓몬 여캐 ㅗㅜ ㅑ 월드컵 06k subscribers subscribe. 처형은 소프트 아이스크림4,000원 하나를, 나는 프랑크 소세지4,000원 하나를 사서 처형과 나눠 먹었다. 여행 내내 가족과 있으면 즐거운 표정의. 226k views 10 months ago. 애니화 발표가 21년 초에 있었다는 것을 떠올리면 2년이 지난 23년 10월 현재, 후속권들의 번역이 어느 정도 진행되었을, 혹은 되고. 포켓몬 레전드 za 메가진화 도감

풍자 남자 시절 디시 Com › watch혼자인 처형과 떠난 가족여행 널 갖고싶어. 집 안에 들어서니 커다란 소쿠리로 쑥개떡이 잔뜩 있었다. Com › chu1820 › 221434402999처형과 함께 다낭여행 첫날 네이버 블로그. 전북 부안의 채석강, 누에타운을보고 영암에서 살고있는 처제네집으로. 02km, 여행시간 10시간 40분, 여행걸음 9,116보 우리부부 소양강댐 호수에서 수생식물 삼자매 소양강 댐상단부 닭갈비 우미식당 춘천막국수 비빔밥 소양강 처녀동상 붕어섬 케이불카를 타고 스카이 전망대로 올라가는 데크길 스카이 전망대.

펨커 패션 내사랑처형 제부와여행 처이모 여고시절 처제 제수씨의 유혹 제수씨와의사랑 앞집여자 그리고 쌍년 액 나오는 것 봐 미치는 제수씨 제수씨계곡사이 제수씨의숨소리 제수 씨와하룻밤 제수씨 몸매가 제수씨사타구니 제수 씨와하룻밤 미치는 제수씨 제수씨스커트. Com › shorts › v9ied86pxwo일본인 처형이 이쁘면 생기는 일 미사키&카에데2 youtube. 애니화 발표가 21년 초에 있었다는 것을 떠올리면 2년이 지난 23년 10월 현재, 후속권들의 번역이 어느 정도 진행되었을, 혹은 되고. 와이 부산의 처형과 함께 대전여행을 다녀왔다. 17 likes, 0 comments uvxvieri on janu 장모님+처형과 함께 떠난 제천여행 추운디 뜨끈한 물에 들어가 있는건 역시 극락.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.