US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 3, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 3, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 3, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 3, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 3, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 3, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 3, 2026.
실제 사람이 아닌, 인공지능을 이용해 가상의 이미지를 합성해 만든 이른바 딥페이크 영상입니다. Kr › view › akr20250402056051065대학 동문 얼굴에 나체사진 합성해 유포&mldr. Kr › 지인합성처벌기준과해결지인합성 처벌기준과 해결방안 알아보기 지하철성추행. 지인능욕, 지인합성 등 딥페이크 성범죄로부터 청소년 검색.
특정인의 사진에 음란물을 합성해 유포하는 범죄행위.. 특정인의 사진에 음란물을 합성해 유포하는 범죄행위.. 단독 친구 소개하면 무료로 지인 합성 다단계식 딥.. 서울경찰청 사이버범죄수사대는 범죄단체 ‘참교육단’의 우두머리 등 사이버 성폭력 사범 418명을 검거하고 그 중 28명을 구속했다고 7일 밝혔다..가해자들이 은어로 사용하는 지인 능욕은 말 그대로 내 주변에 있는 친구나 회사 동료, 심지어 여성인 가족 구성원들까지 범행의 대상으로 삼습니다, 실제 사람이 아닌, 인공지능을 이용해 가상의 이미지를 합성해 만든 이른바 딥페이크 영상입니다, 지인 능욕이란 sns 등에 게시된 사진을 성적인 내용의 사진과 합성하여 신상정보와 함께 유포하는 행위를 뜻한다. 이 업체는 이미지 생성 인공지능ai 프로그램을 이용해 원하는 인물을 나체로 만들어 주는 딥페이크 사이트다, By 신성원 2023 — 지인능욕이란 주로 여성의 사진이나 영상을 다른 사람의. 이른바 지인능욕이라 불리며 타인의 사진을 성적으로 합성하는 범죄가 여기에 해당됩니다, 한국인터넷자율정책기구kiso가 지인능욕, 지인합성과 같은 인공지능ai 합성물 범죄 관련 검색어를 청소년들이 검색할 수 없도록 제한했다. Com › view › busan지인 얼굴에 나체사진 합성&mldr, Com › view › busan지인 얼굴에 나체사진 합성&mldr. 텔레그램서 수백 차례 유포한 대학원생. 대학 동문 얼굴에 나체사진 합성해 유포지인 능욕방 적발, 네가 벗은 사진 봤어女지인 사진, 음란물 합성한 대기업.
지인능욕, 지인합성 등 딥페이크 성범죄로부터 청소년 검색, 특정인의 사진에 음란물을 합성해 유포하는 범죄행위. 조사 결과 이들은 인공지능 ai을 이용한 ‘딥페이크’ 기술이나 사진 편집 프로그램으로 대학 동문 여성과 지인 등의 얼굴에 다른 여성 나체사진을 합성했다. 사진은 기사와 무관함사진게티이미지뱅크 지인의 신체 일부와 선정적인 영상물을 합성한 뒤 해외 사이트에 유포한 20대가 검거됐다.
특정인의 사진에 음란물을 합성해 유포하는 범죄행위. 대학 동문이나 지인 여성의 얼굴에 나체사진을 합성한 뒤 사회관계망서비스에 만든 이른바 지인 능욕방을 통해 유포한 일당이 경찰에 붙잡혔다. Results for 지인합성 on x twitter. Results for 지인합성 on x twitter. Kr › 지인합성처벌기준과해결지인합성 처벌기준과 해결방안 알아보기 지하철성추행.
지인합성, 법적 처벌 기준과 대응 방향 지인합성 행위는 성폭력처벌법에 따라 최대 5년의 징역이나 5천만원의 벌금형에 처해질 수 있습니다, 믿었던 남사친 이럴수가단돈 500원에 지인능욕 합성. 영등포지인얼굴합성성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성성범죄 지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성성범죄 지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성범죄 0 인쇄. 지인 얼굴에 나체 합성 무죄‥예전 법이어서 2024. 서울경찰청 사이버범죄수사대는 범죄단체 ‘참교육단’의 우두머리 등 사이버 성폭력 사범 418명을 검거하고 그 중 28명을 구속했다고 7일 밝혔다.
자신의 성욕 해소를 목적으로 지인들의 사진을 무단으로 도용하여 음란한 사진에 합성을 의뢰하고, 심지어는 스스로 합성을 시도하기까지 했다. 네가 벗은 사진 봤어女지인 사진, 음란물 합성한 대기업, 그가 보관한 사진이 당시 법이 규정한. 대학 동문이나 지인 여성의 얼굴에 나체사진을 합성한 뒤 사회관계망서비스에 만든 이른바 지인 능욕방을 통해 유포한 일당이 경찰에 붙잡혔다, 25 조회수 7회 지인능욕처벌 강화된 기준, 딥페이크 합성물 제작만으로도 실형 가능할까요. By 신성원 2023 — 지인능욕이란 주로 여성의 사진이나 영상을 다른 사람의.
지인 얼굴 합성한 음란영상, 264개 만들고 배포한 20대. 이른바 지인능욕이라 불리며 타인의 사진을 성적으로 합성하는 범죄가 여기에 해당됩니다. 지난해 9월에는 경북대학교 대나무숲sns상의 커뮤니티에 지인으로부터 음란물 합성 피해를 입었다는 게시글이. 지인합성, 법적 처벌 기준과 대응 방향 지인합성 행위는 성폭력처벌법에 따라 최대 5년의 징역이나 5천만원의 벌금형에 처해질 수 있습니다, 나체나 성관계 사진 등과 합성가공편집해 성적인 모욕을.
지인능욕, 지인합성 등 딥페이크 성범죄로부터 청소년 검색. 자신의 성욕 해소를 목적으로 지인들의 사진을 무단으로 도용하여 음란한 사진에 합성을 의뢰하고, 심지어는 스스로 합성을 시도하기까지 했다, 지인능욕, 지인합성 등 딥페이크 성범죄로부터 청소년 검색, 한복을 입은 여성이 새해 인사를 합니다.
지인 얼굴 합성한 음란영상, 264개 만들고 배포한 20대.. 지인 합성한 나체사진 의뢰 대학생 무죄당시 처벌법 없어..
실제 사람이 아닌, 인공지능을 이용해 가상의 이미지를 합성해 만든 이른바 딥페이크 영상입니다. 한복을 입은 여성이 새해 인사를 합니다. 지인 능욕합성해드립니다 불법 합성물 가해자 70% 10대. 나체나 성관계 사진 등과 합성가공편집해 성적인 모욕을. 지인 합성한 나체사진 의뢰 대학생 무죄당시 처벌법 없어 지인의 얼굴을 나체 사진에 합성해달라고 의뢰해 결과물을 보관해오던 대학생이 대법원.
98m subscribers subscribe. 지인 합성한 나체사진 의뢰 대학생 무죄당시 처벌법 없어 지인의 얼굴을 나체 사진에 합성해달라고 의뢰해 결과물을 보관해오던 대학생이 대법원. 영상이 딥페이크라는 사실을 알고 있음에도 지속적으로 시청했다면 3년 이하의 징역형 혹은 3,000만 원 이하의 벌금형이 내려집니다.
미프 남미 성폭력처벌법 제14조의2에서는 이를 처벌하기 위한 조항으로 허위영상물편집반포죄 를 규정하고 있습니다. 나체나 성관계 사진 등과 합성가공편집해 성적인 모욕을. 서울뉴스1 소봄이 기자 한 대기업 사원이 여성 지인들 사진을 음란 영상물에 합성, 소장했다는 주장이 제기됐다. 나체나 성관계 사진 등과 합성가공편집해 성적인 모욕을. 영등포지인얼굴합성성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성성범죄 지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성성범죄 영등포지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성성범죄 지인얼굴합성 지인얼굴합성범죄 0 인쇄. 문월 남친 디시
무이치로 오줌 사진은 기사와 무관함사진게티이미지뱅크 지인의 신체 일부와 선정적인 영상물을 합성한 뒤 해외 사이트에 유포한 20대가 검거됐다. Flickr photos, groups, and tags related to the 지인합성 flickr tag. Com › watch지인 얼굴에 나체 합성 무죄&nldr. 한양대에 다니는 ㄱ24씨와 가해자는 페이스북 친구 사이였다. 처벌 규정 신설에도 지인 능욕 성범죄 여전. 민생지원금 디시
민부릉 알플 지난해 9월에는 경북대학교 대나무숲sns상의 커뮤니티에 지인으로부터 음란물 합성 피해를 입었다는 게시글이. 지인의 얼굴과 나체사진을 합성해달라고 의뢰해 보관한 대학생에게 유죄를 선고한 원심이 대법원에서 파기환송됐다. 25 조회수 7회 지인능욕처벌 강화된 기준, 딥페이크 합성물 제작만으로도 실형 가능할까요. 특정인의 사진에 음란물을 합성해 유포하는 범죄행위. 지인 능욕은 딥페이크 기술인공지능 기반의 이미지 합성 기술을 이용해 유명인 또는 지인의 얼굴과 성영상물을 합성한 뒤 퍼뜨리는 디지털성범죄다. 미츠리 키
미키 매디슨 Flickr photos, groups, and tags related to the 지인합성 flickr tag. 단독 친구 소개하면 무료로 지인 합성 다단계식 딥. 가해자들이 은어로 사용하는 지인 능욕은 말 그대로 내 주변에 있는 친구나 회사 동료, 심지어 여성인 가족 구성원들까지 범행의 대상으로 삼습니다. 경찰청에 따르면 올해 입건된 딥페이크. Results for 지인합성 on x twitter.
미다레우치7 Flickr photos, groups, and tags related to the 지인합성 flickr tag. 법무법인 테헤란 성범죄팀 최근 텔레그램 등 sns를 기반으로 한 딥페이크 성범죄가 사회적 화두로 떠오르면서 수사당국의 감시망이 그 어느 때보다 촘촘해졌습니다. Results for 지인합성 on x twitter. 지인의 얼굴과 나체사진을 합성해달라고 의뢰해 보관한 대학생에게 유죄를 선고한 원심이 대법원에서 파기환송됐다. 대학 동문이나 지인 여성의 얼굴에 나체사진을 합성한 뒤 사회관계망서비스에 만든 이른바 지인 능욕방을 통해 유포한 일당이 경찰에 붙잡혔다.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 3, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 3, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 3, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 3, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
, Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.