197 1445 46 1 5306904 28정숙 닮은꼴 1 ㅇㅇ211.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

13시간의 고된 노동 속에서도 영철을 향한 마음과 팬들의 응원에 힘을 얻는 정숙의 모습은 예비 신부의 강인. 나는 솔로 20기 남자 출연자 직업나이스펙 지난 1일 방송한 ena와 sbs plus의 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’이하 ‘나는 솔로’에서 ‘모범생 특집’인 20기 솔로남녀의 ‘자기소. 나는 솔로 19기는 모태솔로 특집 2탄으로 준비됐다. 상철과 정말 다른 온도차로 영수를 대했으니까.

영자와 정숙 둘 다에게 상처를 주지 않아야 한다.

Com › entertainment › 2026013129기 정숙, ♥영철 생일에 8첩 반상 차리더니&mldr.. 영철사업하고 싶으면 지 돈으로 해야지 배추장사라도 dc app.. 어젯밤, 20기 정숙은 영호와 상견례를 마치지 않고 최종 결별을 하게되었다며 근황을 전했다.. 정숙영철 둘이 같이 사업하면 될거같은데 나는 솔로 갤러리..

Com › Entertainment › 2026013129기 정숙, ♥영철 생일에 8첩 반상 차리더니&mldr.

서양이 동양환장함 근데 영어잘해도 외국가서 평생 사는게 쉽겠냐 영철 택한걸로 봐서 영철 돈없음 정숙학원이 수입더 많겠다. 21일 방송된 sbs 플러스와 ena 프로그램, 또한, 영철이 영호의 어머님께 꽃다발을 선물한 장면도 올라와 팬들의 추측을 더했죠, 13시간의 고된 노동 속에서도 영철을 향한 마음과 팬들의 응원에 힘을 얻는 정숙의 모습은 예비 신부의 강인, Com › kokr › news영철♥정숙, 일 냈다이미 부부 사이 msn. 영자와 정숙 둘 다에게 상처를 주지 않아야 한다.

Tv리포트김진수 기자 나는 솔로가 결혼 커플 영철정숙의 해피엔딩으로 연상연하 특집을 마쳤다. 이날 옥순은 상철, 영숙은 영호, 정숙, Com › view › nisx20260122_000348592129기 영철정숙, 4월 결혼 혼인신고 마쳐 공감언론 뉴시스. 제작진 측에서 의도적으로 화제가 될만한 사람들만 뽑은 게 아닐까 싶을 정도로 빌런들도 많다, 이 투샷에서는 다정한 분위기가 느껴졌고, 정숙은 영철을 영철대원군이라고 재치 있게 표현하기도 했습니다.

169 1444 71 1 5306902 현숙은 죄가 없다 나갤러223, 그러면 직장생활하고 주말만 본다치면 풀로 다 만나도 68일. 엑스포츠뉴스 김수아 기자 ‘나는 solo’이하 나솔가 ‘결혼 커플’ 영철정숙의 해피엔딩으로 ‘연상연하 특집’을 훈훈하게 마쳤다. 최초의 1기수 2커플 결혼 영식정숙, 영철영숙 기수라 나는 솔로의 희망을 상징하는 기수로 평가받는다. Com › entertainment › 2026013129기 정숙, ♥영철 생일에 8첩 반상 차리더니&mldr.

특히 여성 출연자들이 역대급으로 바이럴 됐다. 화제를 모았던 나는 솔로’가 20기의 역대급 엘리트 라인업을 공개했습니다. 21일 방송된 sbs plusena 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’에서는 영수옥순, 영철정숙이 ‘최종 커플’로 맺어져 시청자들의 응원을 받았다, 또한, 영철이 영호의 어머님께 꽃다발을 선물한 장면도 올라와 팬들의 추측을 더했죠.

상철과 정말 다른 온도차로 영수를 대했으니까, Com › view › nisx20260122_000348592129기 영철정숙, 4월 결혼 혼인신고 마쳐 공감언론 뉴시스, 당연히 이 기수의 참가자들도 많이 흡족해 하는 이야기를 한다. 13시간의 고된 노동 속에서도 영철을 향한 마음과 팬들의 응원에 힘을 얻는 정숙의 모습은 예비 신부의 강인, 나는솔로 27기 정숙 영수 선택에 영철 악플 드립. 정숙영철 결혼이 말도 안되는게 나는 솔로 갤러리.

Com › View › 20250820n3840127기 정숙, 뜬금포 영수 선택&mldr.

Minutes ago 나솔 29기 정숙이 영철과의 결혼을 앞두고 바쁜 근황을 공개했다. Com › entertainment › 2026013129기 정숙, ♥영철 생일에 8첩 반상 차리더니&mldr. 데프콘은 영숙이 김남주와 닮았다고 이야기했다, 영철의 공개 프로포즈, 나솔 29기 라방 중, 모태솔로 특집 1탄이었던 나는 솔로 12기는 출연자들 자체가 워낙에 어수룩했기에 연프로서의 재미는 별로였지만, 스펙트럼을 넓혔다는 점에서 꽤나 좋은 평가를 받았다. 또한, 영철이 영호의 어머님께 꽃다발을 선물한 장면도 올라와 팬들의 추측을 더했죠.

soeun chapter 75 광수 영자 떡상한 댓글 반응 나는솔로 27기 슈퍼데이트권. 특히 나는 영자에게 상처를 안 줬으면 한다고 당부했다. 특히 여성 출연자들이 역대급으로 바이럴 됐다. Com › entertainment › 2026013129기 정숙, ♥영철 생일에 8첩 반상 차리더니&mldr. 이번 19기도 뭔가 비슷한 양상이었다. sotwe.xom

sotwe 변남 21일 방송된 sbs plusena 리얼 데이팅 프로그램 ‘나는 solo’에서는 영수옥순, 영철정숙이 ‘최종 커플’로 맺어져 시청자들의 응원을 받았다. 21일 방송된 sbs 플러스와 ena 프로그램. 특히 나는 영자에게 상처를 안 줬으면 한다고 당부했다. 지난 20일 방송된 나는 솔로에선 27기 여성 출연자들이 마음에 드는 남성 출연자를 선택하는 모습이 그려졌다. 나는 솔로 16기는 지난 10기에 이어 돌싱특집으로 방영됐다. smen2024 twitter

sotwe 애널 Days ago 솔직한 영철이랑 착하고 자기 기준 분명한 정숙 앞으로도 지금처럼 오래오래 행복했으면 좋겠다는 생각이 자연스럽게 들었습니다 사진 출처 유튜브 sbs plus 스플스 29기 정숙 인스타그램 이 글도 재밌어요👇 29기 영철 정숙, 결혼 날짜를 4월 4일로 잡은 진짜 이유. 정숙영철 둘이 같이 사업하면 될거같은데 나는 솔로 갤러리. 데프콘은 영숙이 김남주와 닮았다고 이야기했다. 물론 무난한 사람들로만 출연진을 구성했다면 서사 자체가 재미. 다음 주에 난리가 날 것 같다고 영수의 성격을 짚었다. sotwe ㅅㅌㄹㅁ

sotwe 072q 다음 주에 난리가 날 것 같다고 영수의 성격을 짚었다. 특히 나는 영자에게 상처를 안 줬으면 한다고 당부했다. Tv리포트김진수 기자 나는 솔로가 결혼 커플 영철정숙의 해피엔딩으로 연상연하 특집을 마쳤다. 또한, 영철이 영호의 어머님께 꽃다발을 선물한 장면도 올라와 팬들의 추측을 더했죠. 정숙영철 결혼이 말도 안되는게 나는 솔로 갤러리.

sotwe 내 영철이 정숙에게 공개 프로포즈한 순간을 확인하세요. 모태솔로 특집 1탄이었던 나는 솔로 12기는 출연자들 자체가 워낙에 어수룩했기에 연프로서의 재미는 별로였지만, 스펙트럼을 넓혔다는 점에서 꽤나 좋은 평가를 받았다. 지난 20일 방송된 나는 솔로에선 27기 여성 출연자들이 마음에 드는 남성 출연자를 선택하는 모습이 그려졌다. 나는솔로 나는솔로 21기 정숙이 상철과 데. 영철의 공개 프로포즈, 나솔 29기 라방 중.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.