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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

예기치 않게 순간이동 능력을 얻게 된 강민아. 웹툰 재밌게 보고있는데 결말을 말아먹었다고 해서요 하렘 싫어하긴 하는데 마지막에 한명이랑만 이어지면 흐린눈 가능한데요 정차련 아니면 못볼거같아서요. 웹툰 편집 자세한 내용은 절대군림 웹툰 문서를 참고하십시오. 사신을 읽고나서 느낀 점은 절대군림말고 절대강호가 더 나음 같은작가작품중에.

이 중 마태평은 명실상부 천하제일인으로 추앙받는다.. 무협에서 후기지수들이 다 그렇다만 애들이 단체로 상황파악을 못함.. 무협지는 머리 비우고 액션영화 보듯이 보고 있어서 그런 작품들 평가가 후하니 참고 바람..

지금이라도 절대군림 접고 주인공 엄마랑 아빠 떡툰으로 만들면 네웹은 씹어먹을 것.

Com › board › view장영훈 절대군림급 결말아니냐 무협 갤러리. 등장인물 편집 이 문서에 스포일러 가 포함되어 있습니다. Com › mgallery › board절대군림 후기 한국만화 마이너 갤러리.

보표무적 처녀작치고 ㅅㅌㅊ 그냥 무난 일도양단 장영훈식 느와르의 시작. 성씨로 장, 이름으로 영훈 을 사용하는 인물들의 목록. 지금이라도 절대군림 접고 주인공 엄마랑 아빠 떡툰으로 만들면 네웹은 씹어먹을 것. 이런 유형이 그렇듯 팬들은 장영훈 월드라고 통칭한다. 이 중 마태평은 명실상부 천하제일인으로 추앙받는다.

그 후 10월 17일, 트위치 파트너 스트리머가 되어 돌아왔다.. 등장인물 편집 이 문서에 스포일러 가 포함되어 있습니다.. 사신을 읽고나서 느낀 점은 절대군림말고 절대강호가 더 나음 같은작가작품중에..

Com › board › view절대군림 다읽었다 무협 갤러리, 좆도별로 쎄지도않으면서 지실력 존나감춤. 이런 유형이 그렇듯 팬들은 장영훈 월드라고 통칭한다, 진산월은 종남파의 일행들이 모두 자리에 앉자 입을열었다, Com › qna › dirs절대군림 소설 결말이 어케되나요.

절대군림 존나쌘 주인공이 나중에는 천마신공 이랑 은하유성검 대성해서 13권에서 싸움 근데 14권에서 다른새끼가 그 싸움에대해서 이야기하고는 전투묘사 좆도없음 그 다음 후일담 존나 늘어놓음 낙양지부.

일단 봐보고 취향 맞으면 쭉 달려보라고 추천해볼 정도는 됨. 지금이라도 절대군림 접고 주인공 엄마랑 아빠 떡툰으로 만들면 네웹은 씹어먹을 것. 하지만 본인은 무인으로서 인정받고 싶어했기에 이런 호칭을 짐으로 여겼다, 무림맹주인 검존 양태홍, 사도련주인 귀존 사기왕, 명교 교주인 마존 마태평을 꼽는다. 웹툰 편집 자세한 내용은 절대군림 웹툰 문서를 참고하십시오. 화산귀환 중 현재까지 평가는 중, 지금까지 본 정이.

장영훈 절대군림급 결말아니냐 무협 갤러리. 화산귀환 중 현재까지 평가는 중, 지금까지 본 정이. 이번에 소개할 책은 장영훈 작가님의 절대군림 입니다. 이미 나노마신으로 대상을 한 번 수상한 적이 있었던 작가 한중월야는 이번 공모대전에서 또다시 그 능력을 증명했다. 사신을 읽고나서 느낀 점은 절대군림말고 절대강호가 더 나음 같은작가작품중에.

절대군림 후기 한국만화 마이너 갤러리.

진산월은 종남파의 일행들이 모두 자리에 앉자 입을열었다. 사신을 읽고나서 느낀 점은 절대군림말고 절대강호가 더 나음 같은작가작품중에. 그의 유쾌하고 신나는 강호제패기 문파를 세울 거야. 웹툰 재밌게 보고있는데 결말을 말아먹었다고 해서요 하렘 싫어하긴 하는데 마지막에 한명이랑만 이어지면 흐린눈 가능한데요 정차련 아니면 못볼거같아서요, 근데 약간 소설 전개가 황규영 스타일임. 이런 유형이 그렇듯 팬들은 장영훈 월드라고 통칭한다.

장영훈 절대군림급 결말아니냐 무협 갤러리. Com › mgallery › board절대군림 후기 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. 애비는 힘도 ㅈㄴ 없으면서 아무것도 못하고 딸보고 계속. 애비는 힘도 ㅈㄴ 없으면서 아무것도 못하고 딸보고 계속, 주인공이 너무 오글거리고 초딩같아서 집어던지고 싶을때도 많았는데 그래도 다읽었다ㅇㅇ 기대 거의 안하고 읽은거치고는 재밌었고 절대강호 읽으러. 절대군림 존나쌘 주인공이 나중에는 천마신공 이랑 은하유성검 대성해서 13권에서 싸움 근데 14권에서 다른새끼가 그 싸움에대해서 이야기하고는 전투.

절대군림의 긴장감 분배는 독자들이 지치지 않고 완결까지 읽어갈 수 있게 해준다, 무림맹주인 검존 양태홍, 사도련주인 귀존 사기왕, 명교 교주인 마존 마태평을 꼽는다. 시간대는 환생천마 → 전직지존 → 절대마신 → 보표무적 → 일도양단 → 마도쟁패 → 절대군림 → 패왕연가 → 절대회귀 3 순서. 오히려 전투신이나 무공묘사는 절대군림보다 훨씬 뒤떨어짐.

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watson 시리즈 전쟁이 중원 정도맹 산하 스물두 개 지단과 일백스물아홉 분타를 공격 받았으며, 소림삼신승과 백팔나한이 백 기의 신마기를 물리치고 열받에. 이번에 소개할 책은 장영훈 작가님의 절대군림 입니다. 이 작품이 나왔을 때도 무척 재밌게 읽었던 기억이 있습니다. 일단 봐보고 취향 맞으면 쭉 달려보라고 추천해볼 정도는 됨. 주인공이 너무 오글거리고 초딩같아서 집어던지고 싶을때도 많았는데 그래도 다읽었다ㅇㅇ 기대 거의 안하고 읽은거치고는 재밌었고 절대강호 읽으러. türk femboy ifşa sotwe

webm mp4 변환 디시 Com › board › view최근 20개 소설 봤는데 주관적으로 평점내림. 나도 장영훈 작품중 절대군림이 젤 낫다생각 말많은건 절대군림이 좀 심함 보표무적같은건 과묵한주인공이엇고 칼도시도 그랫던거로기억 최근작은 안봐서 몰겟네 1 자두 2024. 제가 이 작품을 처음 본건 10년이 넘었는데요. 절대군림 존나쌘 주인공이 나중에는 천마신공 이랑 은하유성검 대성해서 13권에서 싸움 근데 14권에서 다른새끼가 그 싸움에대해서 이야기하고는 전투묘사 좆도없음 그 다음 후일담 존나 늘어놓음 낙양지부 주인공 존나쌔졌더니 농부만도 못한새끼가 주인공 조져놓음 그리고 후일담 이게 뭐지. Com › mgallery › board절대군림 후기 한국만화 마이너 갤러리. twigdong

twin雙胞胎 pikpak 하지만 본인은 무인으로서 인정받고 싶어했기에 이런 호칭을 짐으로 여겼다. 근데 약간 소설 전개가 황규영 스타일임. Com › board › view최근 20개 소설 봤는데 주관적으로 평점내림. 귀령자 검무극이 회귀를 위해서 찾아간 인물. 귀령자 검무극이 회귀를 위해서 찾아간 인물.

twitter tool 19 예능 하지만 본인은 무인으로서 인정받고 싶어했기에 이런 호칭을 짐으로 여겼다. 근데 약간 소설 전개가 황규영 스타일임. 화산귀환 중 현재까지 평가는 중, 지금까지 본 정이. 애비는 힘도 ㅈㄴ 없으면서 아무것도 못하고 딸보고 계속. 진산월은 종남파의 일행들이 모두 자리에 앉자 입을열었다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.