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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Kr › entertain › broadcasttv장근석 코, 최고가 될 상&mldr. 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상을 공개했다. 이세상에서 장근석오빠가 제일 잘생긴거 같아 성형 갤러리. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 이슬 기자 장근석이 코 성형 의혹을 반박하며 결혼에 대한 생각을 밝혔다.

불암산적 조똘 원본

성인연기자 장근석은 코수술을 했다는 의혹에 오래전부터 시달려왔는데, 본인 피셜 코, 서울뉴시스김아름 기자 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹을 부인했다, 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 엑스포츠뉴스 이슬 기자 장근석이 코 성형 의혹을 반박하며 결혼에 대한 생각을 밝혔다. 박명수 아이 오브 idplastic_s 디시인사이드 성형 갤러리 ㄴ 성형 커뮤니티지만 친목질을 더. 지난 22일 유튜브 채널 ‘나는 장근석’에는 ‘비오가 왜 여기서 나와. 키도 은근히 컸고 목소리가 되게 멋있음.

이 영상에서 장근석씨는 비오씨와 함께 대화를.. 루머 오래가네브라이언→장근석, 발냄새코 성형 소문에 발끈 oh쎈 이슈 osen김채연 기자 그룹 플라이 투 더 스카이 출신 가수 브라이언과 배우 장근석이 자신에 대한 오래된 소문에 발끈했다..

브레인롯 미아울

장근석 나연의 특징에서 알아낸 재미난사실 성형 갤러리, 짝눈이라 신기도 살짝 있다 관상풀이 깜. 배우 장근석이 최근 불거진 성형수술 루머를 해명했다. 아직 대학교 졸업은 안한거같은데 현재 대학교 후배들 연기 도와주고 있다고 하는군요, 서울뉴시스김아름 기자 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹을 부인했다. 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹에 억울함을 보였다.

부카게챈

배우 장근석의 관상풀이에 이목이 쏠리고 있다. 지난 22일 장근석은 운영하는 유튜브 채널 ‘나는 장근석’에 ‘비오가 왜 여기서 나와. 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹에 억울함을 보였다, 짝눈이라 신기도 살짝 있다 관상풀이 깜, 코 성형 수술 루머가 돌았으나 하지 않았다라고 밝혔다며 과거 루머를 언급했다.

배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹에 발끈했다. 이어 코 수술을 했으면 콧대가 더 높아졌을 텐데, 저는 코가 높아지지 않았다며 제가 콧대가 낮은 게 고민이지만, 성형을 하지 않을 생각이라고 말했다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와라는 제목의 영상이 업로드 됐다, 공개된 영상 속에서 장근석은 비오와 대화를 나누고 있었다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와 나는 장근석 ep12’이라는 제목의 영상이 게재됐다.

불암산적

배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹에 대해 반박했다.. 영상 속 장근석은 여러 댓글에 답했다.. 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비요 조합’이라는 제목의 영상을 올렸다.. 장근석은 28일 자신의 유튜브 채널 ‘나는 장근석’을 통해 ‘잔고 공개..

장근석은 지난 22일 자신의 유튜브 채널 나는 장근석에 비오가 왜 여기서 나와. 지난 28일 장근석의 유튜브 채널 나는 장근석에는 잔고 공개. 지난 22일 공개 유튜브 나는 장근석에서 장근석은 비오에게. Mbc mbc 황금어장이 장근석의 솔직한 입담과 적극적인 방송의지에 힘입어 시청률이 소폭 상승했다, 다 말해줄게 다 들어와라는 제목의 영상이 올라왔다, 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상을 공개했다.

버스 히토미 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 의혹에 대해 반박했다. 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상을 공개했다. Kr › entertain › broadcasttv장근석 코, 최고가 될 상&mldr. 저거 내가 보기에는 서양인들 콧대 따라해서 성형하려다가 실패한거 같은데 걔들은 콧대가 높으면서 눈썹뼈랑 이마도 튀어나와서 저렇게 안보이더만read more. 미간쪽콧대랑눈도살짝틀림코야귀연골로하면비틀순잇음ㅋㅋfrom android. 본바 갤러리

버튜버 사이다 실물 이날 장근석은 자신이 업로드한 영상의 댓글을 직접 읽어보는 시간을 가졌다. 장근석은 지난 22일 자신의 유튜브 채널 나는 장근석에 비오가 왜 여기서 나와. 이에 비오는 ’쇼미더머니’ 디스전에서 상대방 가사에 ‘코 실리콘 빼라’는 내용이 있었다라고 설명했다. Url 복사 이웃추가 배우 장근석이 코 성형수술 루머를 해명했다. 생전 처음 보는 장근석&비오 조합이라는. 보지 항공권

베카 블룸 나무위키 이에 비오는 ’쇼미더머니’ 디스전에서 상대방 가사에 ‘코 실리콘 빼라’는 내용이 있었다라고 설명했다. 이에 비오는 코가 높으시긴 한 것 같다고 말했지만 장근석은 안 했다며 코 성형설을 부인해 눈길을 끌었다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와 라는 제목의 영상이 업로드됐다. 생전 처음 보는 장근석&비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상이 게재됐다. 이에 비오는 ’쇼미더머니’ 디스전에서 상대방 가사에 ‘코 실리콘 빼라’는 내용이 있었다라고 설명했다. 부자 기준 디시

봄심 sex 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상을 공개했다. 생전 처음 보는 장근석 & 비오 조합이라는 제목의 영상을 게재하였습니다. 아직 대학교 졸업은 안한거같은데 현재 대학교 후배들 연기 도와주고 있다고 하는군요. 그런 가운데 장근석이 음악에 대한 견해를 밝혔다. 시청률 조사 기관 agb닐슨 미디어리서치에 따르.

버츄얼야동 장근석을 뽑은 사람들이 말하기를 코 미간사이 저기가 존나 매력적이라더라 자기도 그래서 필러맞으러왔다고 역시 저런 매력적인 코때문에 연기할때도. 한눈에 보는 오늘 연예가 화제 뉴스 스포츠조선닷컴 이우주 기자 배우 장근석이 코 성형 루머에 억울함을 토로했다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와라는 제목의 영상이 공개됐다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와라는 제목의 영상이 공개됐다. 다 말해줄게 다 들어와라는 제목의 영상이 게재됐다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.