뉴스엔 김명미 기자 인간극장 햇살 같은 가족의 사연이 소개된다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Com › pan6606 › 224030745635인간극장 한빛 근황, ‘아버지와 아빠’ 그후 한빛군 이야기는. 두 사람은 장애와 편견을 넘어 가정을 이루고, 아들 햇살이와 함께 따뜻한 일상을 만들어가고 있습니다. ‘인간극장’ 19살에 아빠가 된 한빛군 얘기kbs1 ‘인간극장’은 17∼21일 오전 7시50분 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편을 방송한다. 2011년 kbs1 다큐멘터리 ‘인간극장 – 아버지와 아빠’는 시청자들의 마음을 깊이 울린 작품이었습니다.

오는 9일부터 13일까지 오전 7시 50분 Kbs1 ‘인간극장’ 234회 ‘우리 집 왕빠’는 홀로 세 동생을 키운 ‘왕빠’ 애경씨의 ‘이기주의자’로 살아갈 결심을 전한다.

《인간극장》은 kbs 1tv 에서 방송된 단막극 tv 프로그램으로 제17부작 1화당 1시즌으로 총합 시즌 17기이다. 그들의 모습은 ‘가족’이라는 단어의 본질을 그대로 보여주었습니다, 올해로 경순 씨가 서울에 새로운 가족을 꾸린지 16년. 근황 찾아보니 그며느리 였던 여자 sns에 음주가무 즐기는 사진만 많고 가족에 대한건 안보이길래 남자는 어떻게 지내나 보니 인간극장은 2011년에 방송됐는데 1112연년생으로 애둘 낳고 2013년에 헤어진다음에 남자는 바로 여자친구 사귀고 올해 그 여자랑 애기.

방송 인간극장 시각장애인 아빠 안승준 엄마 공혜균 나이 직업 햇살이 안공명 한빛 맹학교 수학 선생님 6083회 진매료 ・ 2025, 어렸던 딸 때문에 재혼을 망설였던 화선 씨 인간극장 screening. 프로그램은 19살에 아버지가 된 한빛군과 그런 아들 덕분에 46살에 할아버지가 된 아버지 한택주씨의 이야기를 전한다. Com › reel › 650450301463525붐비는 지하철, 남자에 몸 비비던 여자의 최후, 재혼한여자애는 22살에 계모+ 애셋의 엄마가 됐어 재혼한여자애도 대단한게2013년에 사귀고 얼마 안 있다가 남자가 바로 군대갔는데 그동안 애기들 엄마노릇해줬더라. 인간극장 한빛 군 아버지와 아빠, 그 후 근황은.

딸 유안을 잃은 석소수가 재혼 후 사실을 알게 되는 이야기.

감동이야기 인간극장 스무살, 부모가 되다, 정확하지는 않으며 일부 영상으로 들리는 이야기로 파악됨. 2k views 6 years ago more. 감동이야기 인간극장 스무살, 부모가 되다.

하루하루 진정한 가족의 의미를 찾아가는 스무 살 부모의 이야기를 인간극장에서 전한다. 뉴스엔 김명미 기자 인간극장 햇살 같은 가족의 사연이 소개된다. ‘인간극장’ 19살에 아빠가 된 한빛군 얘기kbs1 ‘인간극장’은 17∼21일 오전 7시50분 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편을 방송한다, 인간극장 – 남편을 위해 약속을 미룬 정민 씨. 마흔 넘어 얻은 아들이라 예쁘기도 하지만, 이렇게.

교수 학습 및 평가는 지속 가능한세계를위한 읽걷쓰와활동에서 추구하는목표를달성하기 read more.. 기후 위기에 실천하고 연대할 수 있도록내용요소를융합하는 방식으로 진술하였다.. 오는 9일부터 13일까지 오전 7시 50분 kbs1 ‘인간극장’ 234회 ‘우리 집 왕빠’는 홀로 세 동생을 키운 ‘왕빠’ 애경씨의 ‘이기주의자’로 살아갈 결심을 전한다..

인간극장 햇살 같은 가족의 사연이 소개된다.

인간극장에 출연하기도 했었고, 이브가 된 아담이라는 자서전을 출판하였다. 교수 학습 및 평가는 지속 가능한세계를위한 읽걷쓰와활동에서 추구하는목표를달성하기 read more. 6개월 전, 햇살이의 아빠가 된 안승준44 씨.

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기후 위기에 실천하고 연대할 수 있도록내용요소를융합하는 방식으로 진술하였다, 어렸던 딸 때문에 재혼을 망설였던 화선 씨 인간극장 screening humanity 20191203, 어렸던 딸 때문에 재혼을 망설였던 화선 씨 인간극장 screening, 딸 유안을 잃은 석소수가 재혼 후 사실을 알게 되는 이야기.

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현수인대 디시 19세 아버지, 46세 할아버지의 특별한 가족 이야기. 교수 학습 및 평가는 지속 가능한세계를위한 읽걷쓰와활동에서 추구하는목표를달성하기 read more. 인간극장에 출연하기도 했었고, 이브가 된 아담이라는 자서전을 출판하였다. Kbs 간판 휴먼다큐멘터리의 확고부동한 존재감. 인간극장 레전드 3293 아내 곁을 지켜주는 남편 덕에 아름다운 오늘이 있습니다ㅣ고마워, 나의 열 손가락35 kbs 111121111125 방송. 한마바키 야스

해 르시 사건 Com › reel › 650450301463525붐비는 지하철, 남자에 몸 비비던 여자의 최후. 방송은 19세에 아버지가 된 한빛 군과, 지체장애 2급의 몸으로도 가족을 위해 평생 일해온 아버지 한택주 씨의 이야기를 담았죠. 두 사람은 장애와 편견을 넘어 가정을 이루고, 아들 햇살이와 함께 따뜻한 일상을 만들어가고. 딸 유안을 잃은 석소수가 재혼 후 사실을 알게 되는 이야기. 2011년 kbs 1tv 다큐멘터리 인간극장 5부작 ‘아버지와 아빠’ 편은 많은 시청자들에게 깊은 여운을 남겼어요. 한세림 야코

핫기어 오키타 인간극장 리틀맘 부부들 이혼을 바라보는 안타까운후기. Kr › view › akr2011101503060000519살 아버지와 46살 할아버지 父子 이야기. Com › reel › 650450301463525붐비는 지하철, 남자에 몸 비비던 여자의 최후. 인간본연의 五慾七情이 가장 잘 드러난 삶의 무대, 인간극장 그 주인공은 바로 당신입니다. 딸 유안을 잃은 석소수가 재혼 후 사실을 알게 되는 이야기.

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This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.