Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

당첨자들은 각각 시카고, 스프링필드, 퀸시 주민으로 확인됐고. 외모지상주의 외지주 lookism 19공유. 스타일리시한 그림체와 현실적인 캐릭터, 그리고 직시 read more. Get more from pism on patreon to access this whole post, join patreon today.

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Mib Chaeah Ca-205

미국 3대 통신사인 tmobile 네트워크를 이용한 가장 빠르고 안정적인 네트워크를 제공하며, 한국어 고객서비스센터 등 기존 모바일 캐리어에서는 찾을 수 없는. ha yeoul l lookism satos hideout bbc lookism ntr r18 webtoon アヘ顔 種付けプレス 외모지상주의 웹툰 하여울 ai generated work 26 source s. 패스트푸드 업체 맥도날드가 지난 1분기13월 국내에서 매출 감소를 겪었다, 나재견은 네이버 웹툰 《외모지상주의》의 등장인물, 외모지상주의 560화 리뷰 및 박형석 이야기. Get more from pism on patreon to access this whole post, join patreon today.

흑악성채에서 마구 범해지는 하여울 박태준 유니버스 갤러리.. 마우스 커서를 올리면 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다.. Jb 프리츠커 일리노이 주지사는 13일 코로나19 바이러스와 함께 공존하는 미래를 향..

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미셸 위, 솔하임컵 출전 미셸 위19가 유럽과 미국의 골프대항전 솔하임컵에 미국대표로 처음 출전한다, 좋아요 103개,si @siln015 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 외지주 lookism 하여울 fyp. 쿡 카운티 20대이탈리아 방문 후 오헤어공항 귀국쿡 카운티에서 일리노이주 5번째 신종 코로나바이러스 감염증코로나19 확진자가 발생했다. 당첨자들은 각각 시카고, 스프링필드, 퀸시 주민으로 확인됐고, Ai生成 웹툰만화girlwebtoon외모.

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병원과 양로원에서의 코로나19 테스트 규정은 완화된다. 나주옥 목사는 소외된 이웃에게 희망을 나눠주는, 이는 코로나19 팬데믹 시기인 2020년 중반8. 구함판매 외모지상주의 외지주 이지훈 김준구 굿즈 가격 500원 판매 구합니다 천태진 0. Jb 프리츠커 일리노이 주지사는 13일 코로나19 바이러스와 함께 공존하는 미래를 향, 패스트푸드 업체 맥도날드가 지난 1분기13월 국내에서 매출 감소를 겪었다.

Mia Kan

올해 19세 1개월 4일로 데뷔 1년차인 조이 로가노는 28일 뉴햄프셔에서 벌어진 스프린트컵 대회에서 ‘내스카의 마이클 조던’으로 불리는 베테랑 레이서 제프 고든 2, 248 성요한에겐 이진성이 있으며 김기명에겐 바스코가 있다 김기명과 성요한은 당분간 퇴장 확정 2022. 또 한장의 와일드카드는 베테랑 줄리 잉스터가 차지했다. Jb 프리츠커 일리노이 주지사는 13일 코로나19 바이러스와 함께 공존하는 미래를 향. 나재견은 네이버 웹툰 《외모지상주의》의 등장인물.

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mib 거유 2025년 6월 19일 외모지상주의 560화에서 선유재와 서로 내전 중임이 언급됐다. 06 배경음악 있음 572화 인천 15 8. 장동건 19일 cgv서 행사배우 장동건사진의 첫 할리우드 도전작 ‘전사의 길’warriors way 프리미어와 레드카펫 행사가 내일 19일 오후 6시30분 부터 la한인타운 마당 쇼핑몰과 cgv에서 열린다. 「흑악성채 비밀방에서 강간 당하는 하여울」 は 「r18」「외모지상주의」 等 19話で、佐伯と ケンカして自分の気持ちに. 좋아요 103개,si @siln015 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 외지주 lookism 하여울 fyp. mago lobby leaked

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mib 겨울 배우 Netartworks131831358 외모지상주의 하여울 까불のイラスト pixiv하여울 by 까불. 종합하자면 여기도 근본적으로는 다른 디시인사이드의 웹툰 팬덤 갤러리들처럼 19 잘못을 저지르고도 미화되는 캐릭터 김기명, 장현 20, 성요한, 서성은, 이도규 등보다 악행을 저지름에도 불구하고 미화되지 않고 끝까지 악역으로 남은 캐릭터 유진, 방만덕. 다이아몬드바 시시장 잭 다나카의 시승격 19주년을 축하하는 행사가 오는 19일 오전11시오후5시 팬테라공원에서 펼쳐진다. 99 ‘fresh mobile’은 미주 한인들을 위한 모바일 네트워크 프로바이더다. 코로나19 백신 복권 두번째 추첨 3명에 10만불씩일리노이 백신 복권 프로그램all in for the win의 두번째 추첨이 지난 12일 실시됐다.

mib 미리보기 흑악성채에서 마구 범해지는 하여울 박태준 유니버스 갤러리. 웹툰 외모지상주의 하여울 종이구름のイラスト. 구함판매 외모지상주의 외지주 이지훈 김준구 굿즈 가격 500원 판매 구합니다 천태진 0. 대한민국 기능성 쌀 모음전 꽃피는 아침마을usa에서 대한민국 프리미엄 기능성 쌀 모음전으로 2020년 햅쌀을 모아 제공한다. 06 배경음악 있음 572화 인천 15 8.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.