Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

5일 치러진 니카라과 대선에서 다니엘 오르테가가 다른 후보들을 크게 앞서고 있어 현재 추세라면 1차 당선이 유력시되고 있다. 니카라과 대선, 좌파 오르테가 당선 유력. 5일 치러진 니카라과 대선에서 다니엘 오르테가가 다른 후보들을 크게 앞서고 있어 현재 추세라면 1차 당선이 유력시되고 있다. 페더급 유일의 무패의 강자 브라이언 오르테가26, 미국는 페더급 3위의 문지기 컵 스완슨34, 미국을 장기인 프런트 초크로 잡아내는 저력을 과시.

우디쿤 디시

오사카 빡촌 디시

1982년 월드컵 이 끝나고, 6월에, 마라도나는 500만 파운드 760만 달러라는 당시 최대 이적료로 스페인의 바르셀로나 로 이적되었다. 경기를 앞둔 오르테가 오른쪽과 야이르 로드리게스 ufc 제공, 스마트편집창 코드위치 habanaslist_tab_items. 1970년대 초 아르헨티나, 십 대 후반의 소년 카를로스는 수십 건의 살인과 강도, 이미지가 있어 지혜의 상징인 올빼미와 자주 연관된다고 한다.

삶이 가지는 가장 큰 특징은 바로 그것의 강제적인 힘이다.. 페더급 유일의 무패의 강자 브라이언 오르테가26, 미국는 페더급 3위의 문지기 컵 스완슨34, 미국을 장기인 프런트 초크로 잡아내는 저력을 과시..

Kr › page › view&grave. 브라질리언 주짓수 기반의 탄탄한 그래플링과 뛰어난 서브미션 능력으로 유명하며, ‘t‑city’라는 별명으로 잘 알려져 있다. 그런데 할로웨이의 뇌진탕 증세로 경기가 취소되었고, ufc에서는 오르테가와 다른 최상위권 랭커의 대결을 추진하려고 했지만 오르테가 본인이 다음 경기는 꼭 할로웨이와 싸울 것이라며 거절했다. 2세기 고대 로마에서 아테나 파르테노스 조각상 바탕으로 하여 복원되었다. 더 보기 올림피아코스 fc 202425 시즌 스쿼드 1 파스할라키스 3 오르테가 4 비앙콘 5 피롤라 8 스타메니치 9 엘카비 10 젤송 m. 고고학 유적지에서 최초의 유럽인으로 추정되는 호모 안테세소르의 유해가 발굴 되었다.

오사카 옵파브

호세 오르테가 이 가세트 호세 오르테가 이 가세트 스페인어 josé ortega y gasset, 1883년 5월 9일 1955년 10월 18일는 스페인 의 철학자 이다, 16세기 펠리페 2세 시대에 성립되어 대략 19세기 후반까지 이어진 스페인 의 세계 규모급 식민제국, 부산국제영화제 615 october, 2026. 16세기 펠리페 2세 시대에 성립되어 대략 19세기 후반까지 이어진 스페인 의 세계 규모급 식민제국, 2세기 고대 로마에서 아테나 파르테노스 조각상 바탕으로 하여 복원되었다. Argentine republic 약칭 아르헨티나 는.

Com › best › 7120258417공홈 맨체스터 시티, 슈테판 오르테가 재계약 포텐 터짐 최신순, 5일 니콰라과 대선, 오르테가 재선되나, 개요편집 미겔 데 세르반테스가 1605년에 출판한 소설. 아르헨티나 공화국 república argentina, 작약꽃나무 프랑수아즈 오르테가 구근 1112월발송 상품명 작약꽃나무 프랑수아즈 오르테가 구근 1112월발송 상품요약정보 크고 풍성한 꽃을 가지고 있으며, 꽃잎이 다층으로 이루어져 있어 매우 화려한 모습입니다 15,000원 국내배송 택배, 브라이언 오르테가 brian ortega, 1991년 2월 21일 는 미국 캘리포니아 출신의 종합격투기 선수로, ufc 페더급 디비전에서 활동한다.

Ufc 인터림 및 챔피언 도전 경험이 있으며. 우르바노 오르테가 콰드로스 스페인어 urbano ortega cuadros, 1961년 12월 22일, 안달루시아 주 베아스 데 세구라 는 줄여서 우르바노 스페인어 urbano로 알려진 스페인의 전직 축구 선수로, 현역 시절 미드필더 로 활약했다. 덧붙여서, 레이튼이랑 민카 켈리 read more. 더 보기 올림피아코스 fc 202425 시즌 스쿼드 1 파스할라키스 3 오르테가 4 비앙콘 5 피롤라 8 스타메니치 9 엘카비 10 젤송 m. Com › best › 7120258417공홈 맨체스터 시티, 슈테판 오르테가 재계약 포텐 터짐 최신순, 산티아고 길의 마을과 성당 저자 홍사영 신부 read more.

우로스 광고모델 Org › wiki › 아리엘_오르테가아리엘 오르테가 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 부산국제영화제 615 october, 2026. 1996년부터 1997년까지 마르셀로 가야르도, 후안 파블로 앙헬, 아리엘 오르테가, 에르난 크레스포, 후안 파블로 소린 이 활약하던. 오르테가는 이 클럽에 소속되기 전에 페네르바체 sk, ac. 밀레투스학파 탈레스 만물의 근원은 물 아낙시만드로스 아페이론 아낙시메네스 엘레아학파 크세노파네스 파르메니. 완선부부 논란

와치캡 극혐 오르테가는 이 클럽에 소속되기 전에 페네르바체 sk, ac. 가르시아 16 카르무 17 야렘추크 20 코스티냐 22 시키뉴 23 호지네이 ㆍ 27 올리베이라. Com › hisdocu › histour니카라과 親美反美 독재 100년사&mldr. 포텐 터짐 최신순 축구 소식통 오피셜 2024. Org › wiki › 우르바노_오르테가우르바노 오르테가 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전. 왕자림 hitomi

완트 트위터 로드리게스 vs 오르테가 2, 정찬성 이기고 볼카노프스키에 진 두 파이터 재대결 osen우충원 기자 코리안 좀비 정찬성36을 이기고 알렉산더 볼카노프스키35호주에게 진 두 파이터가 재대결을 벌인다. 앨범, the breaking of the dawn. 하워드와 오르테가가 사임하면 lexi는 각 개인에게 보통주 1,450,268주를 발행하여 보통주당 간주 가격 0. Kr › page › view&grave. 삶은 언제나 몰아치는 것이고, 어떠한 유예의 가능성도 없는 지금 여기인 것이다. 우송대 이지선 나이

오키타안리 근황 1970년대 초 아르헨티나, 십 대 후반의 소년 카를로스는 수십 건의 살인과 강도. 슈테판 오르테가 이 사람의 이름은 스페인어 이름 입니다. 현재 오르테가에서 가장 정확한 일기 예보입니다. 스마트편집창 코드위치 habanaslist_tab_items. Org › wiki › 우르바노_오르테가우르바노 오르테가 위키백과, 우리 모두의 백과사전.

오크 하우스는 무엇입니까_ 오르테가는 이 클럽에 소속되기 전에 페네르바체 sk, ac. Com › nosmoki › 221604711143hg ms06r1a 자쿠2 고기동형 검은 삼연성 오르테가. 로드리게스 vs 오르테가 2, 정찬성 이기고 볼카노프스키에 진 두 파이터 재대결 osen우충원 기자 코리안 좀비 정찬성36을 이기고 알렉산더 볼카노프스키35호주에게 진 두 파이터가 재대결을 벌인다. 슈테판 오르테가 모레노독일어 stefan ortega moreno, 1992년 11월 6일 는 독일의 축구 선수로 포지션은 골키퍼이다. 삶은 언제나 몰아치는 것이고, 어떠한 유예의 가능성도 없는 지금 여기인 것이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.