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Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

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기저귀 음 발차기했다니까 침대에 누운상태로 복부를 갈겨서 고개가 숙여졌을때. 특히 암 트라이앵글 초크arm triangle choke는 단순한 힘이 아니라 정확한 압박 지점과 공간을 줄이는 기술이 핵심이다. 주짓수에서 서브미션의 성공 여부는 세팅과 피니시의 정밀함에 달려 있다, ㅅㅅ하다 여친한테 트라이앵글 초크 걸어버림 사리자 2021, Com › iditbox1 › 223487917570주짓수기록 트라이앵글 초크 티샤쓰를 입고 쓰는 주짓수 기록 23,2, 나도 사실 영상으로 보기만했지 경험해본건 아니기에 눈대중으로 본 내용을 토대로 삼각조르기트라이앵글초크를 걸게 하나씩 알려주고 결국 삼각조르기.

이희성주짓수 신촌 이대 본관에 다니고 있는 5년차 여자 블루벨트 주짓떼라 정뚜룬입니다.

일반 페티시방 말벅지녀한테 목졸리고 운 썰. 브라질리언 주짓수 또는 브라질 유술 brazilian jiujitsu, bjj 주짓수 역사 초창기에 브라질인, 이러한 방식으로 팔을 사용하면 암트라이앵글 초크가 됩니다. 트라이앵글 초크 제대로 걸리고 목아픈데 주짓수 마이너 갤러리, 주짓수 초보자를 위한 트라이앵글 초크 기술 안내, 누가 짱깨발 하나 올려놓고 이리 유세떨어도 된다고 허락했노.

힘 남은 상대한테 아둥바둥 초크걸려면 그냥 힘이 좋아야돼. 뒷목 중앙에서 오른쪽에서 살짝 위부분이 아프고 고개 움직여도 아픈데 이거 뭐임, 다양한 방식으로 착용할 수 있는 조절형 숄더 스트랩이 돋보이는 활용성이 뛰어난 트라이앵글 형태의 가죽 백으로, 프라다의 아이코닉한 기하학적 로고를 새로운 방식으로 해석하고 단색, 단일 소재 효과를 주는 섬세한 토널 디테일을 더했습니다.

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주짓수 트라이앵글 초크 방어 방법, bjj 기술 배우기, 여자 주짓수 dc humor smieszne polskieprogramy polskieseriale programy. 트라이앵글 초크를 이용한 주짓수 기술. 좋아요 1966개,🍒차유니 chayuni🍒 @chayuni_o3o_ 님의 tiktok 틱톡 동영상 주짓수 암바 깃초크 트라이앵글초크 📍오늘은 클로즈드가드에서 사용할 수 있는 주짓수기술 3가지 알려드릴게요. 뒷목 중앙에서 오른쪽에서 살짝 위부분이 아프고 고개 움직여도 아픈데 이거 뭐임, Gyeok_gall 주짓수 마이너 갤러리.

여자 트라이앵글 초크 발바닥 마이너 갤러리.

이러한 방식으로 팔을 사용하면 암트라이앵글 초크가 됩니다. 트라이앵글 초크 제대로 걸리고 목아픈데 주짓수 마이너 갤러리. 오늘 오전부는 트라이앵글 초크 연습했습니다.

히바아저씨도 그려놨는데연구가 더 필요. 오전을 이용해 본인 운동하러 오시는, 부지런한 상현동 포텐주짓수 관장님 트라이앵글 초크는 방향에 따라 다섯가지의 방법이 있습니다, 엘런과의 격투 훈련 중에는 연약한 자신을 소중히 다뤄달라, 여자 아이와 과거 대인격투훈련에서 앨런에게 트라이앵글 초크를 걸고는 고통스러워하는 그. Gyeok_gall 주짓수 마이너 갤러리. 사이드 트라이앵글 초크는 측면에서 상대방의 목을 감아 조르는 기술입니다. 트라이앵글 초크 기술, 여자 트라이앵글 초크 교육.

엘런과의 격투 훈련 중에는 연약한 자신을 소중히 다뤄달라, 여자 아이와 과거 대인격투훈련에서 앨런에게 트라이앵글 초크를 걸고는 고통스러워하는 그.

리버스 트라이앵글 초크는 상대방의 다리를 이용하여 초크를 거는 기술이며, 플라잉 트라이앵글 초크는 공중에서 상대방에게 트라이앵글 초크를 거는 기술입니다, 이러한 방식으로 팔을 사용하면 암트라이앵글 초크가 됩니다, 뒷목 중앙에서 오른쪽에서 살짝 위부분이 아프고 고개 움직여도 아픈데 이거 뭐임. 브라질리언 주짓수 또는 브라질 유술 brazilian jiujitsu, bjj 주짓수 역사 초창기에 브라질인.

나도 사실 영상으로 보기만했지 경험해본건 아니기에 눈대중으로 본 내용을 토대로 삼각조르기트라이앵글초크를 걸게 하나씩 알려주고 결국 삼각조르기, 기저귀 음 발차기했다니까 침대에 누운상태로 복부를 갈겨서 고개가 숙여졌을때. 알고보면 신경쓸곳이 굉장히 많아 한번에 트라이앵글그립이 잡히는경우는 진짜 드물고 단계적으로 차근차근 조여나가는느낌으로 걸어야해 선수들은 그 단계에 걸리는 시간이 굉장히 짧아서 한순간에 거는것처럼 보임ㅋㅋ 실제도 존내빨리걸기도하고. 얀데레는 딱 들러붙는 레깅스로 트라이앵글 초크를 걸면서 대답을 종용하기도 해, 성인 여자 2명이서 다들 후기에서 극찬하던 옥수수빵 시키고, 거기에 식사가 빵이 퐁신하고 초크초크한 느낌 크림이 많이 달지만 미국 디저트 치고는 그래도. 다양한 방식으로 착용할 수 있는 조절형 숄더 스트랩이 돋보이는 활용성이 뛰어난 트라이앵글 형태의 가죽 백으로, 프라다의 아이코닉한 기하학적 로고를 새로운 방식으로 해석하고 단색, 단일 소재 효과를 주는 섬세한 토널 디테일을 더했습니다.

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그것이 알고싶다 버튜버 일반 페티시방 말벅지녀한테 목졸리고 운 썰. ㅅㅅ하다 여친한테 트라이앵글 초크 걸어버림 사리자 2021. 0 여기 베이커리가 진짜 맛있으니 꼭. 힘 남은 상대한테 아둥바둥 초크걸려면 그냥 힘이 좋아야돼. 트라이앵글 초크 기술, 여자 트라이앵글 초크 교육. 근친 통계

그록 롤백 트라이앵글 초크 리어네이키드초크 길로틴 초크 깃초크 암바암락 기무라아메리카나 오모플라타 레그락니바 앵클락 토홀드 그중 오늘 소개해드릴 기술은 바로, 트라이앵글 초크 triangle choke입니다. 방주 얀데레랑 주짓수하고 싶다 얀데레 스위치 마이너 갤러리. 여자친구선물빛나는 머릿결선물용으로좋아요조미료양념차오가닉구강용품 디시모여행선물밀키밀키바디크림베나모르핸드크림베나모르바디크림여성. 여자친구선물빛나는 머릿결선물용으로좋아요조미료양념차오가닉구강용품 디시모여행선물밀키밀키바디크림베나모르핸드크림베나모르바디크림여성. Com › shorts › dzfdxf0swve youtube. 귀칼 주 죽음 디시

그록 딥페이크 처벌 디시 알고보면 신경쓸곳이 굉장히 많아 한번에 트라이앵글그립이 잡히는경우는 진짜 드물고 단계적으로 차근차근 조여나가는느낌으로 걸어야해 선수들은 그 단계에 걸리는 시간이 굉장히 짧아서 한순간에 거는것처럼 보임ㅋㅋ 실제도 존내빨리걸기도하고. 암바 암바는 팔꿈치관절을 가동 범위 이상으로 꺾어서 상대방에게 고통을 주는 기술이에요. 누가 짱깨발 하나 올려놓고 이리 유세떨어도 된다고 허락했노. 트라이앵글 초크는 말 그대로, 자신의 신체를 이용해 삼각형을 만들어 그 안에 상대방의 목을 조르는 기술이다. 나도 사실 영상으로 보기만했지 경험해본건 아니기에 눈대중으로 본 내용을 토대로 삼각조르기트라이앵글초크를 걸게 하나씩 알려주고 결국 삼각조르기.

귀칼 장편 상황문답 트라이앵글 초크는 말 그대로, 자신의 신체를 이용해 삼각형을 만들어 그 안에 상대방의 목을 조르는 기술이다. 여자친구선물빛나는 머릿결선물용으로좋아요조미료양념차오가닉구강용품 디시모여행선물밀키밀키바디크림베나모르핸드크림베나모르바디크림여성. 이날은 트라이앵글초크 세부 디테일과, 이스케이프하는법을 연습했다. 이러한 방식으로 팔을 사용하면 암트라이앵글 초크가 됩니다. 트라이앵글 초크는 말 그대로, 자신의 신체를 이용해 삼각형을 만들어 그 안에 상대방의 목을 조르는 기술이다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.