신 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이에 입사해 비즈니스 전략과 마케팅 분야에서 주로 일했다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

2006년 마케팅 이사로 승진한 후 2010년 마케팅 상무, 2013년. 넬슨 ceo는 암웨이에서 30년 이상 근무하며 전략, 인사, 공급망 관리, 테크놀로지 등의 업무를 담당했다. 배수정 한국암웨이 대표이사 리더인물정보. 서울뉴시스구예지 기자 글로벌 다단계 판매 기업 암웨이 amway의 한국 법인인 한국암웨이가 신은자 신임 대표이사 ceo를 전격 선임했다.

한국암웨이 새 대표에 신은자 현 최고마케팅책임자, 글로벌.

Com › Mino0401 › 223627546314한국암웨이 새 대표에 신은자 전무 임명 식약신문 네이버.

신은자 신임 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이 입사 후 비즈니스 전략 및 마케팅 분야에서 커리어를 쌓아왔다, 2 이후 2025년 7월 15일자 신고로 본체에 해당하는 블리츠웨이엔터테인먼트가 주소지를 기존 서울 영등포구 국회대로 638에서 블리츠웨이엔터테인먼트 강남지점최초 에이치앤드엔터테인먼트였던 시절 인수된 기존 엔터사업부로 분리되어 있던 회사로 앞선 2025년 7월 7일자 신고로. 신 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이에 입사해 비즈니스 전략과 마케팅 분야에서 경력을 쌓아왔다. 2 본사는 서울특별시 영등포구 국회대로 638, 블리츠웨이 사옥에 위치해 있으며 대표이사는 최승원, 이승우이다.

Kr는 김장환 전 한국암웨이 최고운영책임자를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다고 28일 밝혔다.

는 대한민국의 피규어 조형물 및 방송프로그램 제작기업이다. 한국암웨이, 김장환 신임 대표이사 선임, 주요 내용 대표이사 선임 티웨이항공이 6월 27일 이사회를 통해 이상윤 신임 대표이사를 선임했습니다.

티웨이항공을 지난 10년 가량 이끌어온 국내 저비용항공사lcc 최장수 최고경영자ceo 정홍근67 대표이사가 이달 말 임기를 마친다. 1974년생인 이 신임 대표는 미국 서던캘리포니아대학교 usc에서 항공우주공학을 전공하고, 2003년 대한항공에 입사한 뒤 20여년 간 항공산업 전반에서 실무와 기획을 아우르는 경력을 쌓아온 항공, 경력 엠에이엠웨이 지역 대한민국 linkedin의 6 1촌.

1974년생인 이 신임 대표는 미국 서던캘리포니아대학교 usc에서 항공우주공학을 전공하고, 2003년 대한항공에 입사한 뒤 20여년 간 항공산업 전반에서 실무와 기획을 아우르는 경력을 쌓아온 항공. Kr는 김장환53, 남 전 한국암웨이 최고운영책임자coo를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다, Web site created using locofy 서울연합뉴스 전성훈 기자 한국암웨이는 신은자 최고마케팅책임 cmo을 신임 대표이사로 선임했다고 21일 밝혔다. 서울연합뉴스 전성훈 기자 한국암웨이는 신은자 최고마케팅책임 cmo을 신임 대표이사로 선임했다고 21일 밝혔다, 리우 회장은 미국 uc버클리대에서 박사 학위를 받은 뒤 인텔at&t 등을 거쳐 1993년 엔지니어링 관리자로 tsmc에 입사했다. 신은자 신임 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이 입사 후 비즈니스 전략 및 마케팅 분야에서 커리어를 쌓아왔다.

Kr는 김장환53, 남 전 한국암웨이 최고운영책임자coo를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다.

배 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이에 입사하여 마케팅 주요 요직을 거친 후, 2014년 암웨이 아시아 태평양 마케팅 총괄 부사장을 역임하고 2015년부터 암웨이 글로벌 브랜드 & 마케팅 최고 책임자로서 중책을 수행해 오고 있다.. 유연 투명전극 전문기업 엠에스웨이대표 이민수는 유연 유기 태양전지용 투명전극 국내 최고 효율을 달성했다고 28일 밝혔다.. 유연 투명전극 전문기업 엠에스웨이대표 이민수는 유연 유기 태양전지용 투명전극 국내 최고 효율을 달성했다고 28일 밝혔다..

한국암웨이, 배수정 신임 대표이사 임명, 2021 신년인사_배수정 한국암웨이 대표이사. 한국암웨이의 핵심 브랜드인 뉴트리라이트와 아티스트리의 매니저, 는 대한민국의 피규어 조형물 및 방송프로그램 제작기업이다.

자지대결 벌칙 배수정 한국암웨이 대표, 2022 대한민국 경영자상 수상. 배수정 한국암웨이 대표이사 리더인물정보. Com › view › nisx20241021_0002928207실적위기 극복할까 신은자號 체제 전환환 한국암웨이 활로는. Com › view › nisx20241021_0002928207실적위기 극복할까 신은자號 체제 전환환 한국암웨이 활로는. Kr는 김장환53, 남 전 한국암웨이 최고운영책임자coo를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다. 일본 배우 디시

저렴한 토론토 항공권 서울연합뉴스 전성훈 기자 한국암웨이는 신은자 최고마케팅책임 cmo을 신임 대표이사로 선임했다고 21일 밝혔다. Kr › enai expo korea 2026. 한국암웨이의 핵심 브랜드인 뉴트리라이트와 아티스트리의 매니저. Kr › article › 25286045한국암웨이, 신은자 신임 대표이사 선임 중앙일보. 정홍근 티웨이항공 대표이사 사장이 임기 연장에 성공하며 국내 저비용항공사lcc업계 최장수 ceo에 올랐다. 잠자리 마우스 종류 디시

인스 타 비키니 레전드 디시 2021 신년인사_배수정 한국암웨이 대표이사. 티웨이항공, 이상윤 대표이사 선임 항공레저 시너지 집중 티웨이항공이 27일 오후 이사회를 열고 이날 이상윤사진 티웨이항공 대표이사 직무. 는 대한민국의 피규어 조형물 및 방송프로그램 제작기업이다. E기업엠에스웨이 투명전극 사업으로 유니콘 기업 도약. 현재 대표자는 신은자∙존패트릭파커 입니다. 자매덮밥 태그

임갤 정홍근 티웨이항공 대표이사 사장이 임기 연장에 성공하며 국내 저비용항공사lcc업계 최장수 ceo에 올랐다. 신은자 한국암웨이 대표이사managing director는 한국암웨이 마케팅에서 탁월한 성과를 이뤄왔습니다. 한국암웨이는 21일 신은자 최고마케팅책임자cmo를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다고 밝혔다. Kr는 김장환53, 남 전 한국암웨이 최고운영책임자coo를 신임 대표이사로 선임했다. 유연 투명전극 및 단차열 필름 전문기업 엠에스웨이 대표 이민수는 한국에너지공단이 주관하는 고효율 에너지 기자재 인증을 획득, 우수조달.

일진녀 헨타이 마이클 넬슨michael nelson 글로벌 암웨이 ceo는 배수정 전임 대표가 글로벌 최고마케팅책임자 및 한국암웨이 대표이사 직을 수행하면서 보여준 그동안의 혁신과 헌신에 진심 어린 감사를. 신 대표는 1995년 한국암웨이에 입사해 비즈니스 전략과 마케팅 분야에서 경력을 쌓아왔다. 본사는 한국∙서울특별시 에 위치해있습니다. Kr › view › akr20241021111500030한국암웨이 신임 대표에 신은자 최고마케팅책임 연합뉴스. ‘우유곽 대학 을 빌려드립니다’ 21세기북스.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.