그중 안토넬라 로쿠조만큼 그와 오랜기간의 관계가.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조. 이전에 안토넬라 걸레설이 국내 인터넷에서 거론된적이 있다. 메시의 부인은 안토넬라 로쿠소, 안토넬라 로쿠조입니다. 이렇게 서로 돌고래랑 뽀뽀하고 놀다ga ㅋㅋ 돌고래ga 빡쳐서 물 튀기는 사진이 있는데 찾을수ga음슴ㅋㅋㅋ 이 밑은 안토넬라 사진이에용 ㅎㅎ 안토넬라 넘 예쁨 ㅠㅠㅠㅠ.

36년 만에 월드컵 우승컵을 들어 올린 아르헨티나의 ‘축신’ 리오넬 메시가 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조와 기쁨을 나눴다.

이 친구를 통해 안토넬라를 알게 된것입니다.. Com › 메시실제재산와이프메시 실제 재산 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조 인스타 +자녀.. Kr › article › 21650481메시, 고향 친구 로쿠조와 6월30일 아르헨티나 로사리오서 결혼.. 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조 우리는 당신을 사랑해요라는..

메시 부인 안토넬라 로쿠조 인스타 자녀 네이버 블로그 정보 101개의 글 목록열기.

선수들은 시상식에서 서로 기쁨을 만끽하며 즐거운 시간을 보냈어요.. 결혼식 장소는 메시의 고향 로사리오에 위치한 한.. 메시는 아내와 아들에게 월드컵 메달과 트로피를 넘겨주기도 했다.. 소셜미디어‘사커 맘’이 된 리오넬 메시의 부인인 안토넬라 로쿠조가 도마뱀을 갖고 장난을 치고 있다..

메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조34도 세 아들과 함께 경기장으로 내려와 메시를 축하했다.

근데, 내 기억에는 외국에선 안토넬라가 걸레라는 얘기는 한번도 나온적이 없거든, 메시는 5살 때부터 알고 지낸 소꿉친구 로쿠조와 지난 2008년 연인으로 발전, 두 아들 티아고와 마테오를 낳으면서 사실상 부부 관계로 지내왔다. 리오넬 메시는 로사리오의 그의 고향을 아이일때 바르셀로나에 합류하기 위해 떠났지만, 도시와 그의 관계는 강하게 남아있다. 메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그는 다소 성숙한 외모와 별개로 편안하고 친숙하고 다정한 성품을 지닌 것으로 알려졌죠. 그러다 메시에게 운명적인 날이 찾아왔습니다.

세계적인 축구스타 리오넬 메시33바르셀로나의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조32가 홈 트레이닝을 하는 모습을 공개했다. 근데, 내 기억에는 외국에선 안토넬라가 걸레라는 얘기는 한번도 나온적이 없거든. 이 친구를 통해 안토넬라를 알게 된것입니다. 지난 30일현지시간 영국 ‘데일리메일’은 이탈리아 폰차, 한눈에 보는 오늘 해외축구 뉴스 리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조.

메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조는 누구인가.

특별한 기억 6,997개의 글 목록열기 이 블로그 특별한 기억 카테고리 글 전체글 보기. 우승으로 인해 메시 와이프 가족에 대해 궁금해하시는 분들이 있어서 같이 알아보는 시간으로 메시 와이프부인 와이프인 안토넬라 로쿠소에 대한, 그중 안토넬라 로쿠조만큼 그와 오랜기간의 관계가, 로쿠조는 18일한국시간 핑크무늬 레깅스를 입고 자전거 머신을 타는 사진을 자신의 sns에 올리며 라이딩 할 시간이야라 설명을 덧붙였다.

본문 기타 기능 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 잘나가는 축구선수들은 여자친구를 고를때 슈퍼모델쪽으로 관심을 둘걸로 생각하기 쉬운데 메시의 경우는 아닌데요 the best football player in the world라고 자타가 공인하는 메시는 그런 일반상식을. 리오넬 메시27가 여자친구 안토넬라 로쿠조28와 함께 해변에서 즐거운 시간을 가졌다, 리오넬 메시아르헨티나의 다음 행선지를 두고 추측이 난무한 가운데, 그의 대리인이기도 한 아버지 호르헤 메시가 바르셀로나로의 복귀 또는 사우디아라비아로의 이적과 관련해 정해진 게 아무것도 없다고.

율희 tv 구독자 전용 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2. 리오넬 메시의 아내 안토넬라 로쿠조는 언론과의 접촉을 거의 하지 않고, 스포트라이트를 종종 멀리해 왔다. 아르헨티나 출신의 슈퍼스타는 2017년에 어린 시절 연인과 결혼했으며, 그녀의 가족은 현재 파리에 살고 있습니다. Bexvqjf14cnje 오늘은 아르헨티나를 코파아메리카 우승으로 이끈 메시의 전여자친구 현부인 안토넬라 로쿠조에 대해 알아보겠습니다. 그러다 메시에게 운명적인 날이 찾아왔습니다. 윤이샘 제로투 풀버전 디시

윤공주 나이 디시 아버지 호세 로쿠조 어머니 패트리샤 형제 폴라 로쿠소 자매 칼라 로쿠조. 리오넬 메시와 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그리고 3형제게티이미지코리아. 안토넬라 로쿠조는 메시의 여자친구로 메시의 아들인 티아고 메시의 엄마이기도 하다. 메시 와이프 인스타 리오넬메시 입은 망토. 메시30와 로쿠소29는 어릴 적부터 소꿉친구였으며, 메시가. 이레즈미녀

유카 유출 Com › news › articleview세계 최고 부자 wags 랭킹 공개, 빅토리아 베컴 1위&mldr. 두 사람은 이미 어린 시절부터 동네에 함께 사는 소꿉. 아버지 호세 로쿠조 어머니 패트리샤 형제 폴라 로쿠소 자매 칼라 로쿠조. 근데, 내 기억에는 외국에선 안토넬라가 걸레라는 얘기는 한번도 나온적이 없거든. 메시, 8년 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조와 내년 웨딩 마치. 유튜브 음원추출 사이트

윤정수 재산 디시 메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조는 누구인가. 이전에 안토넬라 걸레설이 국내 인터넷에서 거론된적이 있다. 메시 와이프 인스타 리오넬메시 입은 망토. 아버지 호세 로쿠조 어머니 패트리샤 형제 폴라 로쿠소 자매 칼라 로쿠조. 그러다 메시에게 운명적인 날이 찾아왔습니다.

이 이경 디엠 디시 메시 와이프 안토넬라 로쿠조, 그는 다소 성숙한 외모와 별개로 편안하고 친숙하고 다정한 성품을 지닌 것으로 알려졌죠. 19일 0시 한국시간 열린 2022 카타르 월드컵 결승전에서 아르헨티나는 프랑스와의 승부차기에서 42로 이기며 이번대회 제일 높은 자리에 올랐다. 리오넬 메시의 와이프 연인 안토넬라 로쿠조 2 블로그. 안토넬라 로쿠조는 메시의 여자친구로 메시의 아들인 티아고 메시의 엄마이기도 하다. 워낙 뛰어난 외모 때문인지 안토넬라 로쿠조 직업이 셀럽이 아닐까하는 추측도 있지만, 사실 일반인으로 대학교에서 영양학을 전공했다고 합니다.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.