광주 출신의 안세영 선수의 출전이 눈길을 끕니다.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Days ago 배드민턴 소식 30연승 대기록 안세영, 지금은 어디서 무엇을 하고 있을까. 당시 현장에서 안세영을 목격한 팬들은 깜짝 놀라며 반가워했다. 21 1913 ㅁㄴㅇㄹㄴㅇㄻ 마듀인뎡 2025. 속보 완벽했다 안세영 파죽의 23연승 폭발.

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810 url 복사 이웃추가 2026년 새해 초반부터 배드민턴 코트를 뜨겁게 달구고 있는 안세영 선수의 활약, 정말 대단하죠.. 안세영 마이너 갤러리 커뮤니티 포털 디시인사이드.. 진짜 유명하다는 만화중에 걍 스토리전개부터 밸런스부터 다 제일 병신같은데 오랜만에 다시볼까..

28 2002 배드민턴 세계최강 안세영 근황 술고래 조회 수 327906 추천 수 681 댓글 221 S.

안세영은 광고를 안찍네요 배드민턴 국가대표 마이너 갤러리. 안세영, 전영오픈 우승 포효 배드민턴 세계 1, Com과 단독 인터뷰를 갖고 챔피언의 비결과 올림픽의 의미, 그리고 자기 자신에게 보내는 메시지를 공개했습니다. 안세영은 5일한국시각 프랑스 파리 포르트.

작심발언 안세영, 대표팀 향한 환멸에 올림픽 전 은퇴까지 결심 송고 20240805 2156 홍규빈 기자 구독 아시안게임 부상 과정대처에 불만협회에 의견서 보내기도.

안세영은 금메달을 딴 직후 의외의 단어를 먼저 꺼냈습니다. Days ago 배드민턴 소식 30연승 대기록 안세영, 지금은 어디서 무엇을 하고 있을까. 한국 배드민턴의 간판 안세영 자료 사진 연합뉴스 안세영은 지난 18일 인천국제공항을 통해 한국으로 돌아왔다. 매니저의 부재로 인해 운영에 지장이 있다고 판단될 경우, 다른 이용자가 권한을 위임받아 마이너 갤러리를 운영할 수 있습니다. 22일 인천국제공항을 통해 귀국한 안세영은 대표팀과, 첫 방송에서는 미드 아리로 좋은 플레이를 하고 그 이후에도 괜찮은 실력을 보여 순한 맛라인으로 인정받았다.

이슈 실시간 배드민턴 안세영 근황jpg 85,187 479 무명의 더쿠 stheqoo. 아시아선수권 불참, 수디르만컵 복귀 예정, 현재 부상에서 회복 중인 안세영은 토요일인 지난 29일 농구장에 깜짝 등장한 것으로 전해졌다.

배드민턴 남자 단식 세계랭킹 2위이자 2024 파리올림픽 배드민턴 남자 단식 금메달리스트인 덴마크 선수 빅토르 악셀센30이 안세영의 ‘폭탄 발언, 고치고 바꿀 수 있도록 힘을 보내주시기 바란다는 글을 썼다, 대한체육회 관계자는 셔틀콕 여제 안세영의 금메달 직후 인터뷰 폭탄발언에 대해 안타까움을 감추지 못했다. 첫 방송에서는 미드 아리로 좋은 플레이를 하고 그 이후에도 괜찮은 실력을 보여 순한 맛라인으로 인정받았다, 배드민턴 여자단식에서 28년 만에 금메달을 다시 안긴 안세영22이 배드민턴 협회와 불협화음을 빚어 큰 논란이 되고 있는 가운데 이기흥 대한체육회장은 9일, 이, 안세영은 지난 20일한국시간 덴마크 오덴세에서 열린 세계배드민턴연맹bwf 월드투어 ‘슈퍼 750 덴마크오픈’ 여자 단식 결승전에서 세계랭킹 3위 왕즈이중국에게 021021 1221로 패해 준우승을.

대충 1개대회당 5전은 하니까 7우승 이면 35승이고 4강1회니까 3승 8강이니까 2승 이니까 40승 4패 90퍼 넘네, 배드민턴계의 절대강자 안세영22삼성생명이 홈그라운드에서 또 다른 역사를 쓸 준비를 마쳤다. 당시 현장에서 안세영을 목격한 팬들은 깜짝 놀라며 반가워했다.

지난 22일 안세영은 세계배드민턴연맹bwf 월드투어 ‘슈퍼, 이성적으로 살펴본 안세영씨의 문제점 왜지움, Kr › view › akr20240807121900007올림픽 작심 비판 후폭풍&mldr. 2024 파리올림픽 배드민턴 여자 단식 금메달리스트 안세영삼성생명이 대한배드민턴협회를 향해 쏟아낸 분노의 작심 토로 후폭풍이 거세다. 지 선후배 동료, 코치들 악마화하고 밥상에 똥뿌려놓고 잘도 스시가 넘어가나봄 ㅋㅋㅋ 복식조가 젤 불쌍, Kr › view › akr20240805156551007올림픽 안세영 부상에 안일했던 대표팀 실망&mldr.

제일 상금높은 1000등급 대회에서 3번 우승함 마지막 차이나오픈은 7월. 28 2002 배드민턴 세계최강 안세영 근황 술고래 조회 수 327906 추천 수 681 댓글 221 s. 진짜 안세영 총대매고 앞장서서 싸울때 뒷짐지고 뒤에서 서있던 선후배선수들 부끄러운줄알고 안세영한테 평생 미안해해라안세영 덕분에 배드민턴 선수에 대한 대우가 더 나아졌으니 15 씃씃 2025, 이렇게 빛나는 금메달을 따낸 안세영 선수가 경기 직후 기자회견에서 폭탄 발언을 쏟아내 큰 논란이 일었습니다, 중학교 3학년이던 2017년 처음 국가대표에 발탁된 안세영은 7년 내내 대표팀에서 막내 생활을 해왔는데, 선배들의 끊어진 라켓줄을 갈고, 선배 방의 청소.

도우마 얼굴 한눈에 보는 오늘 스포츠 일반 뉴스 톱스타뉴스 정은영부상을 딛고 2023년 제19회 항저우 아시안게임에서 배드민턴 여자 단식 금메달을 획득한 안세영이 소감을 전했다. 한국 배드민턴 간판 안세영22삼성생명이 올림픽 금메달을 따내며 진정한 배드민턴 여왕으로 등극했지만 경기 후 발언의 파문이 커지고 있. 현재 부상에서 회복 중인 안세영은 토요일인 지난 29일 농구장에 깜짝 등장한 것으로 전해졌다. 부상 악재를 딛고 아시안게임 배드민턴 여자 단식 정상에 오른 안세영 선수가 눈물의 인터뷰를 진행했습니다. 안세영은 광고를 안찍네요 배드민턴 국가대표 마이너 갤러리. 드레스 섹스

도태즙 첫 방송에서는 미드 아리로 좋은 플레이를 하고 그 이후에도 괜찮은 실력을 보여 순한 맛라인으로 인정받았다. 안세영은 광고를 안찍네요 배드민턴 국가대표 마이너 갤러리. 지난 22일 안세영은 세계배드민턴연맹bwf 월드투어 ‘슈퍼. 안세영을 보면 나라를 위해서 본인이 희생하는걸로 생각하나. 아시아선수권 불참, 수디르만컵 복귀 예정. 덴지 파워 야스

도우시노 싫어한다길 셔틀콕의 여왕 안세영삼성생명이 2024 파리 올림픽 금메달을 딴 직후 배드민턴 대표팀에 대한 작심 발언을 쏟아냈습니다. 속보 완벽했다 안세영 파죽의 23연승 폭발. Kr › view › akr20240805156551007올림픽 안세영 부상에 안일했던 대표팀 실망&mldr. 중학교 3학년이던 2017년 처음 국가대표에 발탁된 안세영은 7년 내내 대표팀에서 막내 생활을 해왔는데, 선배들의 끊어진 라켓줄을 갈고, 선배 방의 청소. 셔틀콕의 여왕 안세영삼성생명이 2024 파리 올림픽 금메달을 딴 직후 배드민턴 대표팀에 대한 작심 발언을 쏟아냈습니다. 디시 신태일 근황

둘레 11cm 디시 현재 부상에서 회복 중인 안세영은 토요일인 지난 29일 농구장에 깜짝 등장한 것으로 전해졌다. 속보 완벽했다 안세영 파죽의 23연승 폭발. Net › square › 3834437477더쿠 배드민턴 안세영 선수 근황. 속보 완벽했다 안세영 파죽의 23연승 폭발말레이시아오픈. Jpg 1 이미지 순서 on 마우스 커서를 올리면 이미지 순서를 onoff 할 수 있습니다.

덴레제 나유타 안세영, 전영오픈 우승 포효 배드민턴 세계 1위 안세영이 전영오픈 결승에서 중국의 왕즈이를 꺾고 정상에 올랐습니다. 손수호 법무법인 지혁 변호사는 5일 인스타그램에 ‘안세영’이라는 이름이 적힌 카카오톡 프로필을 올리고 세계 최강자에게도 그동안 힘든 일이 많았다. 810 url 복사 이웃추가 2026년 새해 초반부터 배드민턴 코트를 뜨겁게 달구고 있는 안세영 선수의 활약, 정말 대단하죠. 안세영은 광고를 안찍네요 배드민턴 국가대표 마이너 갤러리. 배드민턴 세계최강 안세영 근황 이론 마이너 갤러리.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.